The new European Commission has taken office – and one of its first challenges is achieving tangible progress on the European Union’s enlargement policy. No doubt the willingness is there: in Marta Kos’s first address as European Commissioner for Enlargement, she declared, “there is a realistic prospect that we can bring one or more enlargement countries to the finish line during this mandate.” Albania, which has just started accession talks, is one of them.
As such, with most of the nine official candidate countries grappling with varying crises and democratic backsliding, the success of enlargement is likely to depend on “easier” candidates which are neither embroiled in conflict nor under threat of authoritarian rule. Yet, given persistent Russian aggression to the east and other destabilising factors in the Western Balkans, notably protracted disputes and democratic backsliding, the EU must truly reinvigorate its enlargement strategy and match the momentum to which its leaders – such as Kos – often refer.
And, for the EU, delivering an enlargement success story is vital not only to restore the credibility of the enlargement process in the Western Balkans; but also to maintain trust and momentum among other eastern European candidates. It should therefore aim to integrate more than one single candidate over the next five years and re-establish itself as a key partner in upholding democratic norms and values across wider Europe.
Albania is halfway there: with a push from the EU and its member state allies, the country’s successful accession could help the EU double its future achievements in the region.
Albania primed for accession
Among the Western Balkans candidates, Montenegro already stands out as being a likely EU member state. But the EU should not rest on these laurels. Since it granted Albania candidate status in 2014, the latter has also achieved steady progress despite repeated vetoes from member states and EU ‘enlargement fatigue’ – amplified by former European Commission president Jean-Claude Juncker’s call, in 2014, for a standstill in EU expansion.
To deliver on EU criteria for opening accession negotiations, in 2016 Albania began tackling corruption; its parliament also approved a constitutional amendment enabling justice reform through revision of legislation and reform of the judiciary. This initiative led to the removal of corrupt judges and prosecutors, or those with suspicious links to organised crime or exhibiting poor professional standards.
In 2019, Albania established the Specialized Structure for Anti-Corruption and Organized Crime (SPAK), which has since prosecuted high-level officials including MPs, former ministers, mayors, and senior government figures. EU reforms and specifically the improved judiciary performance in Albania began restoring public trust in the justice system. Along with further harmonisation of economic and trade legislation and standards, this has the potential to attract foreign direct investment. This, in turn, contributes to economic growth and would facilitate Albania’s integration into the single market.
Initiatives such as the Western Balkans Growth Plan and the Common Regional Market are also helping to create conditions for sustained growth and alignment with EU standards. In this regard, Albania’s determination and progress make it an example of a Western Balkans candidate country whose membership ambitions have acted as an effective catalyst for democratic reform. Through these achievements, Albania could more easily seize the renewed enlargement momentum following Russia’s 2022 invasion of Ukraine.
In July of that year, it held its first intergovernmental conference on accession negotiations; by October 2024, Albania had opened the Fundamentals Cluster of negotiations for EU membership. This allows the country to pursue deeper reforms and address persistent challenges. The EU is now in a stronger position to help drive this process and strengthen democracy in the country – particularly through addressing democratic backsliding and political polarisation.
Addressing political polarisation
But with a general election approaching, Albania’s political climate is tense. Until recently, this volatility was exacerbated by the house arrest of former prime minister Sali Berisha. Albania’s political opposition accuses SPAK of serving the long-ruling Socialist Party’s (PS) agenda: but the special court’s decision to release Berisha pending a corruption investigation adds a complex layer to the political situation. While PS’s dominance underscores concerns about Albania’s lack of political plurality, both ruling and opposition leaders have resisted the rise of new political forces, further entrenching polarisation in the country’s political landscape.
At a domestic level, the political situation, coupled with SPAK’s fight against corruption and organised crime, has intensified resistance from various groups, including political factions, criminal networks, and captured media. Most importantly, this pushback threatens the integrity and security of SPAK and the special court, threatening to reverse the progress achieved on judicial reform and tackling corruption. The disquiet risks heavily impacting the pace and quality of Albania’s EU accession negotiations. In this critical phase, it is vital that Albania secures the independence of the judiciary and SPAK in order for these institutions to independently address high-level corruption.
These remain serious challenges: but the EU might find it fairly easy to support Albania through them, rather than tackling issues like foreign interference, disputes over sovereignty, and poor neighbourly relations which are delaying the accession progress of other Western Balkans countries.
Riding the EU wave
Ahead of Albania’s 2025 parliamentary election, the EU could push the country’s political parties to engage in constructive dialogue and create space for the opposition in institutions and society. The EU should also enhance its support for Albanian civil society and independent media, while addressing broader democracy-related issues through the future negotiation framework. Here, application of conditionality is key in ensuring progress.
For the EU to promote a competitive economic environment and prevent misuse of funds, it should prioritise robust monitoring of key economic reforms in the accession negotiations – specifically those related to laws and standards in procurement.
From a regional perspective, supporting Albania’s integration into the EU will enhance ongoing efforts to strengthen cooperation and stability in the Western Balkans
From a regional perspective, the EU supporting Albania’s integration will enhance ongoing efforts to strengthen cooperation and stability in the Western Balkans. Unlike some of its neighbours, Albania is free from the legacy of Yugoslavia’s violent dissolution and enjoys good relations with Western Balkans members. And in considering the regional specificities of ethno-national identities and relationships, the EU advancing Albania’s integration alongside Montenegro represents a balanced regional approach. This could foster significant positive developments in North Macedonia and Kosovo, which are also vying to develop in their own accession journeys.
At a national level, Albania is a well-positioned candidate. It boasts the highest level of public support for EU accession in the region: 77 per cent perceive EU membership as a positive step, compared to the regional average of 54 per cent. Albania has been a NATO member since 2009 and its alignment with the EU’s common foreign and security policy stands at 100 per cent. These positive factors mean the EU should achieve tangible progress in the country while simultaneously reinforcing its credibility as a reliable institution.
Finally, the new European Commission presents an opportunity to build stronger momentum in addressing outstanding issues in the region: here, democratic backsliding and advancing Western Balkans integration into the EU loom large. If both Albania and the EU sustain the political will and determination, Albania could become another success story – alongside Montenegro – in the bloc’s latest enlargement wave.
The European Council on Foreign Relations does not take collective positions. ECFR publications only represent the views of their individual authors.