Picture courtesy Joseph Daher.
Universities across Europe and North America have increasingly come under scrutiny for their treatment of academics who speak out against Israeli policies and express solidarity with Palestine. The case of Joseph Daher, a Swiss–Syrian academic at the University of Lausanne, is one such example.
Daher, a scholar specializing in West Asian politics, found himself at the center of controversy when his contract was suddenly not renewed following an investigation into his activities related to Palestine solidarity.
His dismissal raises questions about academic freedom and the increasing vulnerability of academics who engage in political discourse, particularly when it involves criticism of Israel amid a growing pattern in which universities bow to external pressures — whether from governments, media, or donors — leading to censorship and repression of critical voices.
In this interview, Daher shares his experience, detailing the events that led to his dismissal and the wider implications for academic freedom in Europe.
Walid El Houri (WH): Could you walk us through the events that led to the non-renewal of your contract?
Joseph Daher (JD): I received the results of the investigation opened by the university the day after I came back from Syria. I hadn’t been back in 14 years. And when I heard the results, I understood right away that they wanted to kick me out the next day.
Everything began with the genocidal war on Gaza. I was involved in Palestine solidarity efforts, helping students organize and participating in conferencesand mobilisations. In March, an internal complaint was filed against me, questioning my academic expertise to speak on Palestine. My colleagues defended me, citing my two PhDs and research background.
Later, during a student protest, I lent my university access card to a student to rest and pray. Though initially not an issue, months later, the university used it to launch an investigation, outsourcing it to a private law firm. Despite many professors lending their cards as common practice, they aggressively pursued my case. In November, they demanded details about my external contracts. I complied, but received no response.
In December, I faced a four-hour interrogation. They even attempted to use a Facebook post of Jesus wearing a keffiyeh against meto extend the investigation but thendropped it. On January 17, I was informed of the investigation results. The findings of the case reliedmainly ononefalse testimony, while others were neglected. We appealed, but the next day, they rejected it. On January 31, they found me at fault but chose not to discipline me — instead, they simply refused to renew my already signed contract for the next semester.
WH: Has the university taken any additional steps?
JD: The university has an obligation to protect its employees from public attacks.
I was already under attack because of my position on Palestine with campaigns against me in the right-wing media. Even a local MP in my canton publicly called for me to be fired.
In previous cases, when professors involved in climate activism were targeted by right-wing media, the university defended them. Rightly so! They said: “These professors are specialists in their field. They can’t therefore be only characterized as activists, they are scientific experts.”
But in my case,several defamatory articles werepublished against me — including accusations of being an anti-Semite, or “not a real professor” — the university was asked to comment. And they responded: “No comment.”
So that’s another dimension to this whole affair.
WH: Do you think this repression is tied to the rise of the right or is there something deeper at play?
JD: The repression is not just coming from the far right. We see what I call “neoliberal authoritarianism”— leaders like Macron, Biden, and others who, while not part of the far right, have also been extremely repressive toward protest movements.
If you look at how they handled Black Lives Matter protests, for example, or more recently, the Palestine solidarity movement — it’s clear that this is not just a right-wing phenomenon.
This is about silencing dissent and controlling narratives.
Let’s not forget that one of the first instances of banning pro-Palestine demonstrations in Europe was in France in 2014, during one of the wars on Gaza and it was a “Socialist” government at the time.
I believe this is more connected to a broader global context. Since the 2008 financial crisis, there has been growing discontent with the economic and political system. But unfortunately, the left has not been able to organize effectively or present itself as a viable alternative. As a result, the political scene has been increasingly dominated by two forces: neoliberal authoritarianism — figures like Macron and Biden — and the far right.
This is a global trend linked to capitalism in crisis, a crisis of democratic rights, and a broader rollback of freedoms.
And Palestine plays a key role in this repression. It has been weaponized to dismantle any construction of a left-wing alternative.
WH: What are the risks when it comes to the role of academia and universities?
JD: Well, as you know, academia is not a neutral space. It has always been a site of struggle throughout history.
Academic institutions reflect the larger political and social struggles happening in society. If you look at how dominant academic paradigms — like Orientalism — were challenged, it didn’t happen in isolation. Orientalist scholarship was primarily contested by movements like the Russian Revolution and the decolonization struggles, which in turn reshaped academic discourse. Similarly, the civil rights movement also found expression in academia.
Today, we are witnessing another front in this struggle — against intellectuals, scholars,studentsand artists who are raising their voices for Palestine.
At the same time, academia is being attacked from multiple directions. On one hand, we see the growing privatization of universities, which pushes them to prioritize fields that generate revenue, often at the expense of critical social sciences and humanities. On the other hand, we see direct attacks on democratic rights, including academic freedom.
So yes, academia is very much a battleground — just like other sectors of society. And this is dangerous, because I believe that the primary role of academics should beto develop critical knowledge, to critique society in order to improve it, to defend democratic andsocialrights.
Even university charters reflect this mission. That’s why I criticize these institutions — they are not even upholding their own principles. Many universities have explicit commitments to academic engagement and freedom, yet they are criminalizing and repressing scholars whose positions — like mine — are directly grounded in research and scientific expertise.
This is an extremely dangerous precedent for the future of universitiesand the production of critical knowledge that should be transmitted to students and society more generally.
WH: What can be done to resist this kind of repression?
JD: I think there are many institutional safeguards that could be put in place to prevent these kinds of situations.
But institutional protections alone are not enough. That’s why, a few months ago, we began organizing ourselves within the university.
Professors started an association — alongside the trade union — not only to defend our individual rights but also to support colleagues facing similar repression. We issued solidarity statements, not just for Palestine but for other cases as well.
So, in addition to formal legal mechanisms, we need collective organizing. Professors must mobilize within trade unions, collaborate with students, and build strong networks of solidarity to push back against these repressive measures.
At the same time, we must challenge institutions that continue to collaborate with Israeli universities that violate democratic rights — just as we would oppose partnerships with institutions complicit in human rights abuses in other countries.So we do not “exceptionalize” Israel, to ignore its violations of human rights would be so.
Ultimately, what’s needed is pressure from below. In my case, for example, none of the procedural rules were respected — everything was arbitrary from start to finish. That’s why we’re taking the university to court. But legal battles alone are not enough. We need sustained collective pressure from within the university system and beyond.
I think the university management assumed they could do whatever they wanted and that there would be no pushback — but that’s not the case.
Because today, it’s me. Tomorrow, it could be any of my colleagues.
WH: As someone with Syrian origins , how do you see this slide toward authoritarianism in Europe especially after the fall of the Syrian regime?
JD: We are not living under full authoritarian rule in Europe — we still have space to defend ourselves. But what is worrying is the continuous attacks on fundamental democratic and social rights.
For the past two decades, we’ve seen a steady rise in racism and xenophobia. And yes, it’s deeply concerning.
But at the same time, I never had illusions about so-called “liberal democracy.” I mostly grew up in Europe. And as a political activist, I never romanticized Western democracy. So I’m not entirely surprised that, in a moment of deep political and economic crisis, we are seeing this level of repression.
What is unsettling, though, is that many of us who study political dynamics and authoritarianism — who have spent years analyzing these issues in West Asia — are now witnessing more and more patterns of repression in Europe and Switzerland
I’ve had friends — political activists who suffered repressions in Syria — reach out to me in shock: What is happening? They asked me if there was anything they could do to support me.
And since October 7, I think any remaining illusions about Western liberal democracy have been shattered. For the first time, I heard colleagues — notably academics in Lebanon — saying things like: We are happy not to be in Europe or the US right now.
So yes, this is part of a broader, accelerating trend. Many people now feel that it is becoming increasingly difficult to do academic work, to speak freely, in these political conditions.
And ultimately, what is our crime? Saying no to genocide.
Of course solidarity with Palestine is an internationalist duty, but it is also about defending democratic rights in western societies. Palestine has become in many ways a political compass for anyone seeking to promote a democratic, equal and social society.
A longer version of this interview has been published by our partner UntoldMag