South Sudanese are wondering, “What is happening in Western Equatoria?” The media, as in Upper Nile, is awash with contrasting stories from the state. One recurring narrative is the chronic issue of “intercommunal violence in Tambura.” Others include recent clashes along the Tambura-Wau Road and in Rii-Rangu, as well as the removal of the SPLM-IO governor, Gen. Alfred Futuyo, followed by his disappearance alongside many of his SPLM-IO colleagues in the state government. Images of public jubilation and celebrations following Futuyo’s dismissal have also surfaced, alongside reports of looting and gunfire at his residence.
Adding to the confusion, a group calling itself the ‘Balanda Community of Western Equatoria’ released a press statement on February 26, 2025, claiming that the clashes in the state were orchestrated by an Azande militia led by Brig. Gen. James Nando. As reported by Radio Tamazuj, one member of the group, Hon. Pascal Bandindi, an MP representing Greater Tambura in the R-TNLA, alleged that the Balanda tribe in Tambura was the victim of politically motivated human rights abuses perpetrated by the Azande.
However, recent statements by senior figures across the political spectrum contradict the claims made by the Balanda. SSPDF Official Spokesman, Gen. Lul Ruai Koang, in a February 26, 2025 interview reported by Radio Tamazuj, stated that the clashes on the Tambura-Wau Road were conducted under army directives and involved engagements with elements resisting the removal of checkpoints along this vital road link. Similarly, the First Vice President of the Republic and Chairman/Commander-in-Chief of SPLM/A-IO, Dr. Riek Machar, in a letter dated February 27, 2025 (addressed to President Salva Kiir), attributed the clashes in Western Equatoria to the SSPDF regional force contingent for the D.R. Congo. Meanwhile, the Minister of Information, Communication Technology, and Postal Services and Official Government Spokesperson, Gen. Michael Makuei, in a televised broadcast on February 28, informed the nation that Futuyo was removed from office by President Salva Kiir for intransigence and because Riek Machar had failed to remove the governor despite his evident incompetence. Makuei also disclosed that the former governor’s home was looted by a mob comprising citizens from various tribes, including SPLM-IO supporters themselves.
No government official from across the political divide has attributed responsibility for the events in Western Equatoria to members of the Azande community. This alone underscores the baseless nature of the Balanda SPLA-IO accusations against the Azande. However, since the Balanda have previously voiced similar allegations against the Azande, it is time for South Sudanese to be provided with a full explanation of what is truly happening in Western Equatoria.
The underlying issue is that the Balanda SPLA-IO seek to annex Greater Tambura (comprising Nagero, Tambura, and Ezo counties) to parts of Western Bahr al Ghazal and declare it a state exclusively for their tribe. It is worth recalling that the Balanda began agitating for such an administrative area as far back as 1974, when proposals were first made to subdivide the then three provinces of Southern Sudan. However, unable to justify their demand and recognizing that they could never achieve it democratically—given that the Balanda community constitutes only about 8% of the area’s total population—they resorted to a military option: the ethnic cleansing of the Azande. One might wonder how a tiny minority community could contemplate eliminating one ten times its size. The answer lies in the arsenal the Balanda have amassed over many years. In fact, the current situation in Greater Tambura bears similarities to the Arab-Israeli or Congolese-Rwandese conflicts.
The Balanda began accumulating armaments during the SPLA war. Their militiamen, who terrorized the people of Wau (especially Dinka citizens) during the war, were provided with sophisticated weapons by Arab allies. Commander Peter Ugolo led a few of them into the SPLA in the final years of the war, but after the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA), most of these fighters, along with those who remained in Wau, dispersed with their weapons into villages across Western Bahr al Ghazal and Western Equatoria. Furthermore, many Balanda youth who joined the SPLA-IO during the civil war acquired additional weapons from Western Sudan, facilitated by their proximity to the region. Additionally, Governor Futuyo, having misappropriated the salaries of defunct states’ civil servants and produced counterfeit currency, purchased arms for his Balanda tribesmen from various sources. Futuyo also clandestinely facilitated the deployment of Balanda elements within the organized forces to Greater Tambura shortly after assuming office.
Today, the National Security Service, Police, Wildlife, and Prisons forces in Greater Tambura are dominated by Balanda tribesmen. Most significantly, under Gen. Futuyo’s directive, the Balanda component of the SPLA-IO refused to relocate to the cantonment center designated for them in Maridi. Meanwhile, most of the few Azande who joined the SPLA-IO broke away in 2021, leading to hostilities between the two SPLA-IO factions. These hostilities quickly spilled over to the civilian population. However, under the leadership of Gen. James Nando, the breakaway Azande component of the SPLA-IO joined the SSPDF and was subsequently relocated from the area. The Balanda faction remained behind, heavily armed and reinforced by other Balanda SPLA-IO fighters from Western Bahr al Ghazal, and immediately intensified their campaign to purge the area of ethnic Azande.
Contrary to the claims of Hon. Bandindi and his Balanda group, the conflict in Tambura is a political scheme orchestrated by the Balanda SPLA-IO. They seek to declare the area a state exclusively for Balanda tribesmen, with both political and traditional leadership in their hands. Hon. Bandindi conveniently forgets that it was the predominantly Azande electorate of Greater Tambura who voted him into parliament. It is inconceivable that the Azande would have supported Bandindi and other Balanda candidates had they harbored a hidden political agenda against his tribe.
Another calculated strategy of the Balanda SPLA-IO is to continuously portray themselves as victims, claiming that the Azande are oppressing them. As in the current scenario, they consistently fabricate blame, linking Azande leaders to every unfavorable event in the area. Their goal is to exploit the “minority card” to garner public sympathy for their proposed Balanda state, while covertly pursuing an agenda of ethnic cleansing. In this way, the unarmed Azande, who are the actual victims of their aggression, are portrayed as the culprits in the eyes of the South Sudanese public. It is with this same objective that the Balanda have insisted on holding a peace conference in Tambura at a time when the environment is extremely hostile. They are aware that with so many armed Balanda militiamen in the countryside, most Azande would not attend, allowing the Balanda to label them as warmongers opposed to peace.
To restore peace in Greater Tambura, several preliminary steps must be taken. First, Balanda tribesmen must cease their assaults on Azande citizens. Second, all SPLA-IO fighters in Western Equatoria and Western Bahr al Ghazal must be evacuated and incorporated into the regular army. Following this, a comprehensive disarmament program should be implemented in Greater Tambura and across Western Equatoria and Western Bahr al Ghazal. Only then can the final step be taken: a genuine and meaningful peace and reconciliation conference in Greater Tambura. However, any demand to incorporate Tambura or any other county into a separate Balanda administrative area must be democratically decided by the majority of the people living there. Moreover, must every tribe have its own state or administrative area to preserve its cultural heritage? Does the constitution not guarantee this right for all communities, regardless of their location? How have the Balanda preserved their culture within the current administrative setup? And must South Sudan create 64 states to ensure the preservation of its 64 tribes’ cultures?
_The writer, Dr. Festo F. Kumba, is a member of the Transitional National Legislative Assembly._
**The views expressed in ‘opinion’ articles published by Radio Tamazuj are solely those of the writer. The veracity of any claims made is the responsibility of the author, not Radio Tamazuj.**