Romania elections polling station in the Hague. Photo by Ana Maria Dima, used with permission.
Europe is undergoing some seismic shifts, and the tremors are being felt globally. According to the 2024Global Peace Index, armed conflicts have reached their highest levels since the end of World War II. Breathe that in. We are not merely witnesses to a ferociously violent time but active participants in a world where truth is being relentlessly contested. From the proliferation of cheap political spectacles to the bread-and-circus distractions of social media, we find ourselves asking an existential question: What kind of democracy do we want to live in?
Ideally, we would all just “Keep calm and carry on!” But, as sound a piece of advice as that may be, there is no light in sight at the end of the tunnel and looking at the state of the economy indicates otherwise. (Yes, it goes back to the fundamental “It’s the economy, stupid!”)
Romania, the ever-elusive democratic state at the EU’s eastern edge, provides a cautionary tale. Last year, it held presidential and parliamentary elections in November and December, which were declared null and void by theConstitutional Court, citing concerns over external interference and the integrity of the electoral process — a bold attempt to stymie rising radicalism. In the midst of this turmoil, one man, the ultranationalistCălin Georgescu, emerged as both victor and pariah. He secured nearly 23 percent of the vote, a significant increase frompre-election polls that placed him at around 5 percent, signaling the alarming traction of extremist rhetoric in Romania’s fragile democracy. More than 60 percent of eligible voters participated — a significant turnout — but the fractured nature of the electorate reveals deep societal divisions.
The situation in Romania has worsened for several reasons, many of which are deeply rooted in its post-communist transition. Despite being a member of the European Union (EU), Romania’s democratic institutions remain vulnerable because of itsunresolved past, historical political fragmentation,corruption, and a lack of trust in the system. These challenges have created an environment where populist and extremist leaders, such as Călin Georgescu, can exploit public disillusionment. Additionally, Romania’s education system — still grappling with the legacies of waves of shortermist post-communist efforts to reform it — has not effectively equipped citizens with the critical thinking skills necessary to navigate the complexities of modern political discourse. As a result, the population has become more susceptible to the emotional and simplistic narratives promoted by figures like Georgescu, which are amplified through social media platforms.
TikTok’s influence in Romania has grown substantially, with user numbers reaching approximately 8.97 million, nearly surpassing Facebook’s 9.05 million users. This rise in popularity and its algorithm-driven content dissemination have made it a powerful tool for political messaging. The annulment of the election through alleged foreign interference underscores the vulnerabilities in modern democratic processes, particularly concerning the role of social media platforms in disseminating information.
Romania’s case is significant because it represents a crossroads where technology, electoral vulnerability, and the erosion of democratic norms intersect. What makes Romania particularly noteworthy is its fragile democracy, which is exacerbated by foreign interference and the rapid expansion of social media influence. Unlike in more established democracies, Romania has less institutional resilience to push back against these forces. The use of TikTok, specifically, is a new frontier in political manipulation, where influencers and ultranationalist leaders can target young, often disengaged voters through highly emotional, bite-sized content. The scale of influence that platforms like TikTok wield in Romania — where digital penetration is high but media literacy is low — represents an alarming trend for other democracies. In a global context, Romania is a microcosm of the risks posed by unchecked technology in elections and how extremist narratives can find fertile ground in digital spaces, especially where traditional media and political systems are weak.
However, this isn’t just about Georgescu’s messianic posturing or drawing inspiration from the Bible, along the lines of “Whoever follows ME will not walk in darkness,” to attract followers. The real story is thehybrid war being waged on Romania’s democracy. Social media platforms, particularly TikTok, played a pivotal role in amplifying his reach. TikTok’s bite-sized, emotive content proved a potent tool for mobilizing disenfranchised voters.Romania has effectively become a testing ground for how Big Tech can manipulate public opinion, a sentiment even Hungary’s Viktor Orbán — no stranger to anti-democratic tendencies — has openly acknowledged.
Moreover, Romanian authoritiesblamed Russia for interfering in the elections on Georgescu’s behalf. “The intelligence services formally alleged the existence of a1 million euros campaign involving 25,000 coordinated TikTok accounts, none of which was declared in official campaign finance reports. According to disclosed documents, the operation displayed clear state-actor characteristics, with Russian-linked technical infrastructure supporting content distribution,” areportby fact-checking outlet Funky Citizens noted.
In February, prosecutors formally opened acriminal investigation against Georgescu “on six counts, including membership of a fascist organization, promoting war criminals and fascist organizations, and communicating false information about campaign financing.”
Romania faces significant challenges withfunctional illiteracy, as 40 percent of the population struggles with basic reading and writing skills. This issue reflects deeper systemic problems within the education system and economic inequality. The education system, still working through post-communist reforms, has not effectively equipped students with essential tools for critical thinking, media literacy, and political engagement. As a result, a substantial portion of the population becomes vulnerable to easily consumable, emotionally charged content on social media.
Polling organizations in Romania, like those in many other countries, are also experiencing difficulties adapting to the digital age. Many polling methods remain traditional, often failing to accurately gauge the sentiments of voters, particularly those who engage primarily online. In Romania, where social media usage is rapidly increasing, these polling failures can be largely attributed to an underestimation of the influence that these platforms have on shaping public opinion. This trend is especially prominent in rural or marginalized areas, where trust in traditional media is low.
But this is not just a Romanian issue. The erosion of democratic values across the EU mirrors the geopolitical battles shaping the 21st century. From cyber warfare to disinformation campaigns, we are witnessing the divide-and-rule strategy reimagined for the digital age. Hannah Arendt’s cautionary words — “Violence can destroy power; it is utterly incapable of creating it” — echo ominously as we consider the implications of allowing technology to dictate our civic lives. The internet, once heralded as a democratizing force, has become abattlefield rife with aggression against women, minorities, and marginalized communities. This is not just about free speech but about the foundational structures of power in the modern world. As Romania prepares for another round ofelections in May 2025, the stakes couldn’t be higher.
Can democracy withstand the pressures of corruption, external interference, andtechnological manipulation? And what lessons can the EU draw from Romania’s struggles? The answers lie not in the promises of populist leaders but in the resilience of institutions and the active engagement of citizens who refuse to be mere spectators. Democracy, as always, is a work in progress. But the question remains: Will we shape it or let it shape us?