On March 10, 2025, Mazloum Abdi, the General Commander of the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF), and Mohammad Al-Jolani (Ahmed Al-Sharaa), who declared himself the president of the transitional government in Syria, signed an agreement. The signing of the agreement with Al-Sharaa came after the visit of U.S. Central Command General Michael Kurilla to northeastern Syria, to push the SDF commander to reach an understanding with Damascus, as the U.S. is planning to withdraw its forces from Syria. The agreement that was signed by Al-Sharaa and Abdi has faced criticism within the Kurdish community, though much of it remains unexpressed.
On March 13, Syria's interim President Al-Sharaa signed a temporary constitution, making those who strongly opposed General Mazloum's signing of the deal even angrier. In the temporary constitution, the official name of Syrian remains the "Syrian Arab Republic," to the exclusion of non-Arab ethnic groups, such as the Kurds, reflecting how the new government does not recognize the multi-ethnic nature of the country.
The temporary constitution also mentions that shari'a is the main source of legislation and sets a five-year transitional period.
The United States pushed the SDF to sign an agreement with Al-Sharaa without it being involved in the formation of the temporary constitution. Al-Sharaa presented it three days after the signing of the agreement, without revealing its content until then. Hence, the Kurdish people have been put in a difficult position; it will be hard for the SDF to withdraw from the agreement without looking like it is not willing to cooperate and risking being completely excluded from the political process in Damascus.
Interim president Al-Sharaa signs Syria's constitutional declaration (Source: Almayadeen.net)
Syria's temporary constitution.
Following is an article by Çeleng Omer, a prominent economist from Kurdish-led North and East Syria, discussing the possibility that Al-Sharaa may establish a theocratic, authoritarian regime in Damascus, similar to Iran's Velayat-e Faqih system:
A Primary Concern Is That Al-Sharaa May Establish A Theocratic, Authoritarian Regime In Damascus
Since the downfall of the Assad regime in Syria, which lasted over half a century, questions have emerged about who will replace the Baath Party in governing Damascus, the structure of the new government, and its regional and international relations.
It is known that Hayat Tahrir Al-Sham (HTS), a Salafist Islamist group once considered an offshoot of Al-Qaeda under the name "Jabhat Al-Nusra," led the military campaign that toppled Bashar Assad's regime. Following this, they appointed their leader, Ahmed Al-Sharaa (also known as Abu Muhammad Al-Joulani), as president during the transitional period. Syria had only known two presidents in the past fifty years: Bashar Assad and his father, Hafez.
The rise of HTS and its leader to power in Syria raises many concerns. Despite the group's claim of separation from Al-Qaeda, Al-Sharaa's past as a former member of Al-Qaeda who fought in Iraq raises questions about how they will manage Syria's diverse society. The Syrian population consists of various ethnicities and sects, and their views on democracy and the International Charter of Human Rights, which Islamist organizations have often dismissed as blasphemous and a Western imposition, are a significant consideration.
The United Nations, the United States, and the European Union still classify HTS as a terrorist group, creating major obstacles for the new government in Syria to gain legitimacy and lift sanctions. These sanctions were imposed due to the previous regime's behavior, its poor human rights record, and its support for Islamist organizations like Hamas and Hezbollah, which were used as leverage in the West's negotiations with Syria. These groups were part of what was known as the "axis of resistance" aligned with Iran's regime.
A primary concern today in Syria is that Ahmed Al-Sharaa may establish a theocratic, authoritarian regime in Damascus, similar to Iran's Velayat-e Faqih system. This would shatter Syrians' hopes for freedom and democratic transition, posing a threat to neighboring countries like Jordan, Israel, and Lebanon, and possibly revitalizing Hamas and Hezbollah, especially after the significant blows Israel dealt to these groups following the October 7 terrorist attack.
The Kurds In Syria Demand A Democratic State
The key to preventing Syria from becoming an Iranian-style theocracy – or even an Afghan-style regime – is ensuring the active participation of secular communities in governing the country, particularly the Kurds and other minorities such as the Druze. The Kurdish led Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF), which has been the preferred partner of the International Coalition in the fight against ISIS for over a decade. They embrace modern values of freedom and human rights. The Kurdish female fighters in the Women's Protection Units (YPJ) have inspired the uprising of Jina Mahsa Amini and the slogan "Jin, Jîyan, Azadî [Woman, Life, Freedom]" against the Iranian regime, showcasing Kurdish leadership and resilience.
The Kurds in Syria demand a democratic, decentralized state with a modern constitution that protects ethnic and religious groups and guarantees women's rights. Over the years, they have created a de facto model of governance through the Autonomous Administration in North and East Syria (AANES), where Kurds, Arabs, and Christians live side by side, and women hold 50 percent of political, military, and administrative positions.
However, some activists criticize the SDF and AANES, arguing that their demands are too minimal and that the goals of the Kurdish political movement in Syria should go beyond these modest proposals. They emphasize that the Kurds, who are the largest ethnic minority in Syria, represent somewhere between 15-20 percent of the population and have long been oppressed. They need to be viewed within their unique non-Arab position in Syria. These critics contend that the SDF and AANES are not pushing for a more radical transformation of Syria's political system but are instead settling for compromises that could undermine the more ambitious goals of Kurdish autonomy and self-determination.
With the exception of Turkey, which opposes any active Kurdish role in Syrian governance due to its own Kurdish issue, many Western or regional governments view the Kurds as a safeguard against Islamist domination in Syria. This has been reflected in statements by American and European officials.
Additionally, Israel's position, expressed by Foreign Minister Gideon Sa'ar, emphasizes the importance of protecting Kurdish representation in Syria's future. Sa'ar's rare contact with Ilham Ahmed, the head of foreign affairs for the AANES, further highlights this support. The Kurds view Israel's stance with great appreciation, particularly regarding the Israeli democratic model. They also value Israel's influence in Washington, which helped convince President Donald Trump to keep 2,000 American troops in northeastern Syria as part of a counter-terrorism mission. The Kurds see this as crucial to maintaining regional stability by preventing the return of ISIS and countering the harmful influence of Iranian-backed forces, while also mediating to stop Turkish attacks on their areas.
How To Balance The Islamist Influence
To ensure Syria does not become another Iranian or Afghan-style state, integrating the AANES's military and administrative structures into a decentralized governance model in Damascus, with power-sharing and Kurdish inclusion, is essential. This approach would send a strong signal about the future of the Syrian Kurds and demonstrate their commitment to Syria's unity. It would also show that they do not pose a threat to Turkey and have no desire for secession. Now that Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK) leader Abdullah Ocalan has asked his party to stop armed struggle and dissolve itself, this should have a positive impact on Syria as a whole. What the Kurds seek in Syria is a fair and effective mechanism to exercise their rights and responsibilities within a new decentralized, pluralistic country.
The United States and European nations involved in the Syrian conflict can use their military presence in northeastern Syria, along with sanctions imposed on Syria, as strategic leverage to prevent the country from once again becoming a rogue state, as it was under Assad. These powers should send a clear message to Ahmad Al-Sharaa and the new regime in Damascus that they will not compromise on human rights, democratic transition, or the formation of an inclusive and representative government.
A government in Damascus that is inclusive, representative, and democratic – one in which the Kurds play an active role – would not only balance Islamist influence but also reassure other minorities and moderate groups in Syria. Such a government would foster internal harmony and peace with Syria's neighbors. It could even join the Abraham Accords with Israel and the Arab Gulf states, distancing Syria from Iranian influence and resisting Turkish ambitions to replace Iran. This would pave the way for lifting sanctions and securing funding for reconstruction, which Syria urgently needs. The path to peace and stability is clear, and the solution is well-known.
*Çeleng Omer, a prominent economist from Kurdish-led North and East Syria, is a former resident of Afrin and professor at Afrin University. He was forced to flee the region due to the ongoing Turkish occupation.