gulfnews.com

7 ways western media fail to understand the Philippines

Philippine politics often oversimplified due to cultural and geopolitical 'blind spots'

Senior Assistant Editor

5 MIN READ

Vice President Sara Duterte with President Ferdinand Marcos Jr (right). File photo taken in 2022.

AFP

Manila: When former President Rodgrigo Duterte was arrested on Tuesday (March 11, 2025), it was seen as a major victory for the international order.

Crime does not pay.

Duterte was arrested by police with bodycams on, following an official warrant of arrest issued by the International Criminal Court (ICC) and upon Interpol's request, according to authorities.

Despite the mess he left, however, the tough-talking former chief executive is adored by many. He could still potentially win a second presidential run, except that the Philippine Constitution bans it.

In 2022, after Duterte's six-year term was over, President Ferdinand Marcos Jr and Vice-President Sara Duterte (daughter of former president Duterte) joined hands in an alliance that won by a landslide. It has since frayed.

In this highly mineralised archipelago whose 120 million people only have 1/10th the GDP per capita of Singapore, Duterte's popularity, especially in the Visayas and Mindanao, is a hard-to-miss reality.

Yes, Duterte bungled the drug war. Yes, he encouraged the killing of thousands of mere suspects. Yes, he jailed his arch-nemesis, among them the former Justice Secretary and Senator, Leila De Lima, based on false witness testimonies.

Yes, the multi-billion pharma scandal involving Pharmally (established in 2019), which secured juicy government contracts worth Php8.68 billion (around $170 million) in 2020 for the supply of medical gear took place during his term.

And yes, the construction of a lemon bridge in northern Luzon which recently collapsed started under Duterte’s watch.

Who cares?

Not his most ardent supporters, fuelled by regional/tribal/anti-elite gripes. After all, corruption is everywhere: "It's our hands' turn on the cookie jar."

Overall, Western media often misinterpret, or oversimplify, Philippine politics due to cultural, historical, and geopolitical blind spots.

Here are seven key ways they get it wrong:

#1. Framing Philippine politics as a simple battle of “good vs. evil”

Western narratives often paint political figures as either “strongman dictators” or “democracy champions”. This ignores the nuances of local culture, where patronage, local alliances, a lack of meritocracy, and pragmatic governance shape leadership more than back-and-white, truth-seeking ideals.

In the face of institutionalised corruption, Filipinos do feel helpless. Long left behind by more economically well-off Asean neighbours, many fail to even imagine how get out of the rut. Result: They're left begging for quick-fixes. This makes the strongman image of the likes of Duterte or anti-elite rhetoric of Joseph Estrada highly appealing.

#2. Overemphasis on US-style liberal democracy

The Philippines may have democratic institutions, but its political system is shaped by clan-based dynasties, regionalism, and “utang na loob” (debt of gratitude) — concepts rarely acknowledged in Western analysis.

Due to weak institutions, a strong culture of tribalism, impunity, a lack of transparency and public oversight, a high degree of corruption has become a given. Evidence? Just drive about 200km south of Manila, to Quezon province, and you'll be taken to a twilight zone of bureaucratic incompetence.

Ineffective law enforcement, slow judicial processes, and a lack of accountability among government officials also help bring more of the same. The result: Bad roads, poor governance, political dynasties and patronage, where loyalty trumps merit.

#3. Ignoring the power of populism and mass appeal

Western media often underestimate why figures like Duterte, Ferdinand "Bongbong" Marcos Jr., Joseph Estrada, and a host of film actors who prove wildly popular every election season. They often fail to grasp how bombastic populism (or plain good looks), strong leadership appeal, and anti-elite sentiments resonate with many Filipinos. Sports stars and, now social media vloggers, form part of the new election-season equation.

#4. Over-reliance on elite and Manila perspectives

Reports often focus on Manila-based experts, activists, and academics, neglecting rural voters, provincial dynamics, regional nuances and perspectives from the rest of Luzon, Visayas and Mindanao, which play a massive role in national elections and at-large voting for national positions.

Most so-called "experts" on Philippine politics featured in Western media are perched comfortably on their high horses in Manila — far from the actual political pulse of the provinces.

#5. Misrepresenting the Marcos-Duterte phenomenon

Many Western reports frame the Marcos and Duterte families purely as symbols of authoritarianism and corruption. This overlooks how historical revisionism, nostalgia for “order”, a longing for quick fixes, and disenchantment with past administrations, especially the perceived do-nothing Liberals, drive their continued dominance.

Many reports reduce the Marcos and Duterte appeal to Filipinos "longing for a strongman." This ignores the fact that their success is also fuelled by frustration with elite-led, ineffective governance. Moreover, this fails to take into account tribal identity, which defines (and redefines) constantly-shifting alliances.

Western media often assume that Marcos Jr. and Duterte’s popularity is purely due to historical revisionism. This misses the role of strategic political branding: massive digital (social media) campaigns, influencer-driven narratives, and well-organised local networks that shape public perception — especially beyond Manila.

It also overlooks their key differences: Rivalries and competing interests exist within that camp. From Sara Duterte’s political ambitions to tensions over foreign policy and governance style, their relationship is far more complex than just a united "strongman alliance", which had just been frayed by internal struggles.

#6. Culture of patronage and nepotism

Filipino politics is often driven by personal connections rather than competence. Public officials tend to favour family members, friends, or allies in government appointments and contracts, reinforcing a cycle of corruption. As culture eats strategy for lunch, this culture is difficult to break.

The Philippine budget for 2025 is $110 billion (Php6.352 trillion, a 10.1% jump from 2024 budget). Many government transactions, even the ones using digital platforms, lack transparency. This makes it easier for officials to engage in indiscrete practices without being called out or going to jail.

When local journalists do their job, they face the wrath of the powerful, like when Maria Ressa, a Nobel laureat, who was sentenced to 83 years in jail for calling out Duterte's excesses. She's lucky to still be alive.

Not so with the others. Limited access to information, weak whistleblower protection, and fear of retaliation, where certain local executives run a private army and gun-for-hire is cheap, discourage citizens from reporting corruption.

Also Read: 48 Filipino journalists killed in 20 years

#6. Downplaying the role of social media & alternative media

Unlike the West, where mainstream journalism still holds strong sway, social media in the Philippines is king. Western media often fail to acknowledge the power of Facebook, TikTok, and YouTube influencers in shaping political narratives.

By end-2024, approximately 72.16 per cent of the Philippine population uses smartphones, from 68.44 per cent in 2023, as per Statista.

In terms of unit sales, the Philippine smartphone market experienced a 6.1 per cent jump in 2024, reaching nearly 18 million units sold last year. Internet speed has also remarkably jumped. Average internet speed in the Philipines also jumped 523 per cent in 2021 alone. "Pisowifi" boxes and Starlink terminals are now everywhere, especially in the provinces and remote islands.

#7. Overlooking the Philippines’ complex relationship with foreign powers

The US-China rivalry often dominates analysis.

There’s little mention of Filipino nationalism (where the Left and the Right could find themselves on the same side), pragmatic diplomacy, and historical grievances.

This could mean that the country doesn’t simply swing between pro-US or pro-China stances — it navigates geopolitics on its own terms.

Also Read: $800-billion battery boom: Driving demand for 'critical minerals'

Get the latest news and updates straight to your inbox