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Shifting collective values: the role of rural women and gotong royong in village fund policy

Abstract

This article analyzes the role of women in the village fund incentive policy in Indonesia, focusing on how fiscal stimulation for villages influences traditional gotong royong practices and leads to a transition toward procedural gotong royong. This shift not only alters community mindsets but also affects the status and involvement of women in village development. The study mixed an ethnographic approach with quantitative methods to examine the impact of village funds on socio-cultural values in five villages in Blora Regency, Central Java, mainly focusing on the role of women. This research is based on the social capital (SC) theory approach, where SC benefits individuals and communities involved in social interactions. Through this approach, the study aims to observe how the meaning of gotong royong has shifted for women in the village. The findings indicate that women play a crucial role in adapting global development schemes at the local level. In the planning and implementation processes of village development, women actively participate, contributing to procedural gotong royong mechanisms that align with national policies. Their participation strengthens their dual role, where women act not only as development agents but also as pillars in ensuring the implementation and accountability of village fund programs. The social value shift from domestic calculative orientation to public engagement occurs alongside the changing roles of women within the gotong royong system. Despite challenges, such as limited stimulation of women’s participation in this process, they continue to dynamically balance their domestic and public roles.

Introduction

Woman in rural development

Government support for rural development is crucial in fulfilling the state’s responsibilities towards its citizens. Through tax allocations and national commitments, the government ensures citizens’ access to essential services such as healthcare, education, and transportation, especially in the rural areas. Sustainable rural development has now become a global priority, particularly in relation to achieving the SDGs (Akgün et al., 2015). The assessment of rural habitat sustainability functions as a strategic management tool to monitor development progress in real-time (Harrington, 2016), allowing policies to be swiftly adjusted according to emerging needs (Lin and Hou, 2023).

Villages, as distinct socio-cultural entities, possess unique characteristics, including strong social cohesion and evolving traditions that serve as valuable assets. This social cohesion acts as a collective strategy to address vulnerabilities and improve the well-being of individuals and families. Unfortunately, this critical aspect is often overlooked in the formulation and implementation of government policies and development initiatives. Monitoring social cohesion is essential due to its role in shaping resilient and responsible social systems that foster empowered communities in the future (Fonseca et al., 2019).

Global development mechanisms frequently overlook the solidarity and deeply rooted traditions within local communities. From the government’s perspective, these initiatives are often seen as direct translations of national goals, expected to be accepted without much resistance. However, rural communities often find themselves caught in a dilemma when faced with state-driven development programs, as they lack sufficient consultation or respect for local values.

Rural development initiatives in Indonesia face similar challenges to those seen globally. Programs such as the Village Fund, connected with the Masterplan for the Acceleration and Expansion of Indonesia’s Economic Development (MP3EI), and the National Program for Community Empowerment in Rural Areas (PNPM), aim to accelerate growth in peripheral regions. However, despite their positive intentions, the implementation of these programs has revealed various paradoxes. The significant influence of funds in villages has brought about substantial changes in rural life. One of the significant impacts is the positive effect on changes in the improvement of the village’s self-reliance status. This has an impact on the achievement of rural poverty reduction goals in Indonesia (Andari and Rizky 2023). The Village Fund Programme in Indonesia has influenced rural communities’ welfare and substantially increased rural economic empowerment (Wei et al., 2021). However, traditional patterns of social interaction, previously based on a barter system, have quickly been replaced by modern economic transactions prioritizing monetary exchange. This shift has driven the massive capitalization of village assets, ultimately altering the rural community’s economic structure fundamentally. Changes in the structure of the rural economy then accelerate the functional transition. The goal of rural transition varies to become a sustainable growth system by improving social, economic, and ecological functions, some of which may not be sustainable (Sachs et al., 2019). The involvement of women’s roles is important in implementing village fund management, which is included in Village Law No. 6/2014.

The role of women has yet to become a central focus in the implementation of rural development policies. Moser (2017) highlight global trends from 1960–2021 on rural transformation and gender inclusivity which the lack of attention to women’s roles in this process (Moser, 2017). Although rural transformation often brings positive impacts for women—especially in terms of employment, income, and empowerment—negative impacts, such as women’s control over income, the stability of new income sources, and access to nutritious food, remain common issues. Therefore, future development policies and programs must mainstream gender inclusivity to achieve more successful rural transformations (Rola-Rubzen et al., 2023).

According to the Global Gender Gap Index 2023, Indonesia ranks 87th out of 146 countries, with a gender gap index score of 0.697. The sub-indices reveal significant disparities in economic participation (0.666) and political empowerment (0.181), despite better performance in educational attainment (0.972) and health (0.970). These disparities highlight the need for focused policy interventions to reduce the gender gap, particularly in the political and economic sectors. The challenge for policymakers is to design development strategies that not only narrow the gender gap but also accelerate rural development by harnessing the full potential of the female population (World Economic Forum, 2023).

In Indonesia, although women possess great potential as key actors in rural development, their roles are often underappreciated, particularly since the introduction of Village Funds. Village Funds, a major policy shift enacted under Law No. 6 of 2014, allocates direct funding from the national budget to support village governance, development, and community empowerment. However, rural women often face barriers to active participation due to the high burden of domestic responsibilities (Charani et al., 2023). While there are some programs targeting women, budget constraints frequently limit their effectiveness (Asmorowati et al., 2019). Rural development efforts tend to focus on physical labor, which is male-dominated, thus relegating women to less prominent support roles (Amalia et al., 2022).

Nevertheless, women’s contributions to village economic development through empowerment programs and group business management are crucial. Although women’s representation in village politics and governance is low, women’s role contributes significantly to village economic development (Marwah, 2019). Mutiara et al. (2022)assert that women can play a more significant role in decision-making, program implementation, as well as monitoring and evaluation of development initiatives. Other studies have shown that women’s involvement in sustainable livelihood projects has enhanced production capacity and empowerment, although many initiatives have yet to fully adopt a transformational gender approach (Stacey et al., 2019). Active involvement of women in development not only strengthens program effectiveness but also ensures the inclusion of gender perspectives, leading to more equitable and sustainable development outcomes (Pratiwi and Widayati 2020). Therefore, gender-based policies that support women in rural areas are essential to improving gender equality and empowerment (Diprose et al., 2020), where in everyday life women become a bridge that helps connect social interactions in the practice of gotong royong.

Gotong royong in the context of women and village funds

Gotong royong or mutual cooperation, is an integral part of Indonesian culture. The cultural roots of gotong royong are deeply entrenched in villages, especially in agricultural activities. However, as the rural economic structure diversifies, the practice of gotong royong has become increasingly rare. Nevertheless, in the past, gotong royong was seen by the government as an effective solution to address national issues (Koentjaraningrat, 1961). At that time, gotong royong was a collective necessity essential for achieving shared goals. The activities of gotong royong, which were spontaneous, local, and altruistic, were embedded in the community’s culture and aimed at benefiting the common good (Bowen, 1986; Lukiyanto and Wijayaningtyas, 2020).

Gotong royong is a traditional Indonesian value widely recognized as a foundational bond and defining characteristic of the nation. It represents the spirit of togetherness and cooperation among citizens, enabling them to unite as one national identity despite differences in ethnicity, race, and religion. As Indonesia’s first president, Sukarno referred to the country as a gotong royong, and this concept is internationally known for promoting cooperation, collaboration, empathy for the vulnerable, and a willingness to help others. Gotong royong, in particular, has become a key cultural concept in contemporary Indonesian discourse on society. The term likely means mutual assistance and reciprocity. Its roots may derive from the Javanese verb “nggotong” (similar to the Sundanese verb “ngagotong”), which means “several people lifting something together.” Gotong royong can be understood as a collective social activity, but its deeper meaning reflects a philosophy of life that prioritizes collective well-being over individualism. This philosophy has become ingrained in Indonesian culture as it transcends ethnic boundaries. Three key behaviors explain indicators of gotong royong: helping each other, making decisions together, and respecting neighbors. Using confirmatory factor analysis, this study found that gotong royong is best illustrated by these three indicators. Respecting the surroundings was identified as the easiest behavior for individuals to exemplify. However, making decisions together was considered the most challenging behavior in the context of gotong royong (Rahiem, 2024).

Central Javanese communities have traditionally practised gotong royong through its various local labels, such as Kerigan, kuduran, and gugur Gunung, as a system of mutual assistance in their neighborhoods to strengthen economic and social resilience. However, the institutionalization of gotong royong in government development projects has gradually affected the perception of this social movement as a form of social engineering. It is considered a strategy and instrument from the elite to control citizens’ loyalty, mobilize labor, and regain capital (Suwignyo, 2019). In the context of development, gotong royong is known as a form of collective resilience, where community members voluntarily sacrifice labor and time to reduce costs and accelerate the development process (Suwignyo, 2019; Siradjuddin, 2023).

In the context of rural gotong royong, social capital becomes a key element. Social capital refers to the social structures formed by relationships between individuals (Coleman, 1998). This structure relies on resources such as shared values, norms, trust, and social bonds. Social capital is built through social interactions that function as a glue within society (Claridge, 2018). Social capital consists of four main dimensions: the value of gotong royong and solidarity among community, participation in decision-making, levels of trust (trust), and volunteerism (Narayan and Cassidy, 2001). In regional development, social capital plays an important role as a driver of cooperation between individuals and communities, ultimately helping to lower transaction costs and reduce the gap between urban and rural areas (Baycan and Öner, 2023).

There are three types of social capital structures: bonding, bridging, and linking social capital (Andriani and Christoforou, 2016). First, bonding social capital refers to the strong ties that develop within groups, most often between individuals who share common interests and know each other, based on mutual values and specific beliefs. Second, bridging refers to the relationships that develop between groups. Third, linking social capital connects social groups with individuals and groups at the policy-making or power-holding level, giving them greater access to resources controlled by those in power (Pretty, 2003; Andriani and Christoforou, 2016).

As both a private and public good, social capital provides benefits to individuals and communities involved in social interactions (Tzanakis, 2013; Claridge, 2018) without counting for inequalities that may result in power or status differences (Jordan, 2015). According to Siisiainen (2003), networks and social capital must be examined within the context of power relations and social struggles, which connect individuals in networks or configurations of various capital resources—primarily economic and cultural—that are exchanged among members.

Although the definition of social capital can vary, it is highly dependent on the substantive and ideological framework used (Adler and Kwon, 2002; Dolfsma and Dannreuther, 2003). As N. Lin (2001) suggests, there are two components to consider in social networks accessed and utilized by their members: social interactions and embedded resources, which reside in cognitive, relational, and structural dimensions that can be mobilized (Nahapiet and Ghoshal, 1998). The cognitive dimension represents shared meanings and understandings among actors; the relational dimension represents trust, friendships, respect, and reciprocity developed through prior interactions; and the structural dimension refers to the patterns of relationships among actors (Villena et al., 2011). The structural dimension of social capital enables the development of indicators that address the role of trust and the explicit relationships within various aspects of networks, such as the connections between individuals and the resources exchanged among them (Andriani and Christoforou, 2016).

The gotong royong is one of the principles of village governance in Indonesia, and it incorporates the implementation of the Village Fund policy. According to Law No. 6/2014 on Villages, gotong royong is the habit of helping each other develop the village. Previous research states that gotong royong is a vital social capital for Indonesian society. However, it is sometimes faced with obstacles and challenges, such as decadence in meaning and implementation (Simarmata et al., 2019). Therefore, this study examines how the practice of gotong royong occurs in village communities in implementing the village fund policy. Furthermore, this research focuses on the role of women in the practice of gotong royong. The role of women and the influence of gender inclusiveness are critical to the success of rural transformation. However, studies show that rural transformation usually leads to positive outcomes for women related to employment, income, and empowerment but negatively impacts women’s control over income stability of new income sources and access to healthy food (Rola-Rubzen et al., 2023).

Traditionally, the patriarchal system in Javanese society places the position of Javanese women as wives under the husband or likened to konco wingking (domestic goddess) or swargo nunut neroko katut (loyal to the husband on a ride or die) has limited women’s movements to the domestic sphere, macak-manak-masak (the kitchen, the bed, and the dress) (Muhmad Pirus and Nurahmawati 2020). However, the concept of domestic goddess has experienced a shift in meaning to women as a complement. Role changes also occur in women farmworkers in Java (Anggaunitakiranantika, 2022). Therefore, this study aims to identify and analyse the changing role of women in the practice of gotong royong in rural spaces within the framework of village development, especially after introducing the Village Fund policy, which is loaded with procedural arrangements. Such changes reflect a shift in women’s role in social cohesion from solidarity-based to more calculative and illustrate how rural women are now adjusting to a modern spirit that is different from the past. In this context, the key issue identified is how gotong royong, once collective and spontaneous, has become formal and structured, impacting social values in the villages, in the woman perspective.

This research on the shifting role of women in gotong royong and village funds seeks to fill the critical gap of previous research on bibliometric analysis of village fund research in 2017–2023, which states that research on gender roles in village fund programs is still minimal (Lestari et al., 2023). In Addition, this research seeks to fill a critical gap in the literature on social and cultural changes in rural areas, particularly in understanding the impact of the shift in gotong royong (mutual cooperation) on social structures, including the role of women. Utilizing the theory of social capital (Narayan and Cassidy, 2001), this study analyzes changes across four dimensions: the value of mutual aid among community members, the characteristics of woman community participation in decision-making, level of trust, and volunteerism, as developed in the conceptual framework (Fig. 1). This theory was chosen as the analytical framework because it encompasses social capital dimensions that are considered capable of mapping out the socio-cultural changes (the shift in gotong royong) at the individual level, women’s groups, and the village community comprehensively. The primary focus is on how the implementation of Dana Desa (Village Funds) has driven the transformation of gotong royong into a more procedural practice, which has implications for local dynamics.

Fig. 1: Research Framework (Adapted from Narayan and Cassidy, 2001).

figure 1

This figure illustrates the influence of institutions and Village Funds on the social and cultural norms of gotong royong (mutual cooperation) and how these factors impact changes in the role of women and the character of gotong royong. It shows that Village Funds and institutional factors affect community helpfulness and trust in government officials, which in turn influence group characteristics in decision-making and volunteerism. Volunteerism, as a key factor, directly contributes to changes in the role of women and shifts in the gotong royong character. The diagram highlights the complex interactions between fiscal stimulation, community trust, and social participation, demonstrating the evolving dynamics of village development.

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This research is directed towards providing a significant contribution to the management of Village Fund policies that are more adaptive to community needs. Additionally, this study highlights the importance of empowering women in rural development, emphasizing their strategic roles in decision-making, program implementation, and development evaluation. Consequently, this research offers a new perspective on understanding the evolution of procedural gotong royong and strengthens women’s participation in more inclusive rural development.

Methods

This study aims to uncover the collective value shift from traditional gotong royong (mutual cooperation) to procedural gotong royong in rural areas. The research locations were carefully selected from five villages in Blora Regency, Central Java, namely Candi Village, Gondoriyo Village, Bangsri Village, Sambongrejo Village, and Nglandeyan Village. These villages were purposively chosen based on initial identification considering several criteria: villages with a strong tradition of gotong royong and community togetherness, villages classified as developing villages, villages with relatively large Village Fund budgets, and two villages categorized as customary villages (Slikkerveer, 2019).

This research employed a mixed-methods approach with an explanatory sequential design, emphasizing the collection and analysis of quantitative data first(Ishtiaq, 2019). The quantitative approach measures the impact of village funds on the socio-cultural dimension, particularly on the shift in the value of gotong royong. In contrast, the qualitative approach is used to deepen the understanding of the quantitative findings by exploring the community’s experiences, perceptions, and meanings of these impacts. It is followed by the collection and analysis of qualitative data. In the initial phase, the study aimed to gather information through systematically designed questionnaires to uncover relevant facts regarding the impact of Village Funds on the community’s gotong royong behavior. The quantitative approach used is descriptive, enabling a comprehensive analysis of aspects that effectively identify gotong royong, such as helpfulness of people, community participation, levels of trust in village officials, and volunteerism in social activities (Narayan and Cassidy, 2001).

The study respondents were selected through purposive sampling, with specific criteria including women aged over 25 who live and reside in the village and possess adequate knowledge and understanding of the socio-cultural conditions of the village before and after the implementation of the Village Fund policy. The number of respondents involved in this study was 48 women. After the collection of quantitative data, the research continued with the collection and analysis of qualitative data. Qualitative data were obtained through in-depth interviews and Focus Group Discussions (FGD), conducted interactively to reveal deeper social phenomena. An ethnographic approach was applied to explore changes in gotong royong, its impact on social cohesion, and the empowerment of women in the context of rural areas in the modern era. The informants for the interviews and FGDs were selected through purposive sampling based on their deep understanding of the social and cultural context of the village, as well as their active involvement in village development mechanisms, particularly in programs utilizing Village Funds. The informants included: (1) village government officials; (2) community leaders; (3) members of village community organizations; (4) village empowerment institutions; and (5) representatives of village residents.

The results from the qualitative data collection were used to explain and enrich the understanding of the previously obtained quantitative results. To ensure the validity and reliability of the research findings, data source triangulation strategies were applied, including a combination of surveys, in-depth interviews conducted with village officials, community leaders including religious leaders, women leaders, former village heads, traditional leaders, youth activists and FGDs. Therefore, this study is expected to provide a comprehensive overview of the shift in gotong royong values in rural areas and its impact on social structures, including the role of women in fostering more inclusive village development.

Results

From traditional to procedure: the evolving role of gotong royong in Indonesian rural development

The definition and practice of gotong royong (communal cooperation) in Indonesia have undergone significant changes throughout history, reflecting the social and cultural dynamics of the society. In the pre-colonial era, gotong royong served as the foundation of the agricultural system, where community cooperation was key to resource management. Subsequently, during Suharto’s era, this concept morphed into a tool for the government to acquire cheap labor for infrastructure development (Koopman, 2021). Nevertheless, to this day, the fundamental principle of gotong royong is still regarded as a mutually beneficial collective interaction that accelerates development without requiring financial compensation(Slikkerveer, 2019).

This practice of gotong royong has been passed down through generations and adapted in various forms across Indonesia, often referred to as sambatan, gugur gunung, kerja bakti, and others (Mubyarto, 1989). The Javanese community in rural Blora is no exception; they integrate gotong royong into their daily habits, reflecting local wisdom and collective values, both male and female. With the introduction of the Village Fund and development policies from the government to the village level, gotong royong was initially positioned as a social strategy to expedite community-based development. In this context, labor participation is interpreted as the community’s contribution to development, where gotong royong functions as the most fundamental form of participation. Consequently, the term “community empowerment” can be accommodated within various development policies. It is hoped that the implementation of policies and community empowerment can synergize, yielding sustainable positive impacts for rural communities and improving their quality of life.

In traditional gotong royong, the roles of men and women are often distinct. Men are needed for their physical labor to complete the work, while women are expected to contribute to the logistics of community service, such as food and drink. This division of roles began to fade with the implementation of village funds, which involved economic transactions for the labor that the community expended. The cost component of food and drink for village development work makes women experience a shift in their role. At the same time, the shift also happens in the meaning of gotong royong. The domestic area that village women have dominated began to shift to the administrative public area. van Klinken (2018) notes that women shift to public actors when pressured by subsistence conditions within their domestic spaces while simultaneously striving to maintain their existence. This shift achieves certain legitimacies that they hope will address emergencies and enhance their status (van Klinken, 2018).

When gotong royong is organized within the framework of development based on planning in the Village Fund scheme, woman communities perceive that they are entitled to compensation, either in the form of money or food, in return for their participation in communal activities. In this context, the stimulation of gotong royong is often understood as a “series of communal work,” which implies a shift in perception that individuals involved in these activities are professionals deserving compensation from government funds.

In the villages of Blora, this transformation reflects a broader shift in the social order of rural Indonesian society. Gotong royong, initially characterized by voluntary participation and collective commitment, has evolved into a more structured activity, often oriented towards payments targeting specific groups. This shift is largely driven by administrative demands related to the disbursement of Village Funds for physical development projects, requiring activities to be carried out in a planned manner with clear start and end times, following instructions from village officials. While these changes may enhance efficiency and accountability in project management, they also raise important questions about the preservation of collective spirit and social cohesion within the community, especially woman community. With a decrease in the voluntary elements of gotong royong, there is a risk that traditional values emphasizing solidarity and cooperation may be displaced, ultimately affecting the quality of social relationships and interactions within the community.

The changes in gotong royong practices in the villages of Blora reflect a shift towards a more structured and formal approach to community involvement. This transformation is rooted in the processes of Village Development Planning Meetings (Musrenbang) and the careful determination of Village Fund budget proposals. The activities of gotong royong are increasingly integrated with official instructions and directives from village officials, documented in a Terms of Reference (ToR). These guidelines are designed to comply with specific specifications and models set within the framework for implementing the Village Fund. Consequently, the practice of gotong royong has become increasingly procedural, following scenarios predetermined by government initiatives. This shift marks a significant change from traditional and spontaneous community cooperation, potentially impacting the organic nature of community engagement itself.

Village Law No. 6/2014 emphasizes the importance of women’s involvement. It is stated that the expected involvement of women in the village government will be at least 30%. Analyzing the current transformation of gotong royong, reading from the perspective of women after the implementation of village funds is interesting. Women are portrayed as a community with substantial social capital that can be the basis for development. However, after the implementation of village funds, the active involvement of women based on the free collective consciousness, without the bonds of formal rules, becomes a procedural involvement triggered by formal administrative regulations. The unbound structure then changes with formally binding regulations. Although this structured approach may enhance accountability and efficiency in project management, it also poses serious challenges to the preservation of the spirit of voluntary communal work that has long been the foundation of rural Indonesian society. Efforts to balance these formal requirements with the need to maintain the cultural essence and social cohesion woven through gotong royong practices become crucial.

The shifting of woman’s role in “gotong royong” after implementation of village fund

Furthermore, the analysis of changes in gotong royong values in Blora indicates a significant correlation between the role of women before and after the implementation of the Village Fund, as reflected in the data presented in Fig. 2. This underscores the necessity of considering the impact of policies on various layers of society in efforts to create inclusive and sustainable development. Of the four indicators of gotong royong, all show a decrease in value. This indicates a change in women’s views on the value of gotong royong.

Fig. 2: Data Comparation: gotong royong values (Source: research data).

figure 2

Comparison of changes in gotong royong values before and after the implementation of the village fund program according to women in Blora.

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The data reveal a decline in four key dimensions of gotong royong in the villages of Blora (Narayan and Cassidy, 2001), providing a clear picture of changes in woman community engagement. The sharpest decline is observed in volunteerism (−0.31), followed by helping others (−0.19), trust in government officials (−0.13), and participation in decision-making (−0.06). This notable decline, particularly in volunteerism, indicates a substantial shift from traditional and voluntary gotong royong practices towards a more procedural and calculative approach. It underscores changes in woman community dynamics that may erode the spirit of mutual assistance that has characterized woman rural Indonesian communities.

On the other hand, the relatively small decline in decision-making participation suggests that the level of woman community involvement in formal processes remains high, although it is increasingly driven by compliance with administrative requirements rather than genuine motivation. The relationship between the decline in volunteerism and decision-making participation of woman creates a complex picture where communities, despite being less frequently engaged in voluntary activities, continue to participate in formal governance structures. This trend may indicate that woman community members are becoming increasingly trapped in formalities and administrative procedures, potentially sacrificing the organic spirit and community ties that have traditionally defined gotong royong.

Based on the comparative data, the changes in gotong royong practices in woman community post-Village Fund have led to several alterations in the social cohesion of village communities. First, woman’s involvement in development activities has become more selective and tends to be based on personal gain. They may deliberate more deeply when invited to joint activities in the village, considering the calculative benefits they might gain. Second, the sense of collective responsibility is increasingly fading, eroded by the growing individualism. This phenomenon emerges from the assumption that the presence of elected representatives is sufficient, thus personal participation is no longer deemed essential. Particularly in the context of managing Village Funds, the presence of government officials is viewed as a representation of the community itself. Consequently, woman communities tend to believe that all matters related to the public interest are the responsibility of officials, considering they are paid by the state. As a result, the initiatives and active participation of woman in development and decision-making diminish, as they assume that officials are acting on their behalf.

Third, social interactions among rural woman that were previously founded on familiarity and togetherness are at risk of becoming transactional and formal. The warmth that once characterized relationships among woman is fading, as competition to secure benefits from the Village Fund rises. Accessing the Village Fund has become a competitive endeavor, especially since it can be obtained without significant physical effort. With limited budgets, not all society’s needs can be fulfilled, creating unhealthy rivalry among them. This issue is compounded by ineffective communication, leading to misconceptions and misunderstandings about the allocation of Village Funds. If these grievances are not addressed, they could escalate into conflicts that threaten the cohesion among village residents.

While the Village Fund certainly plays a positive role in infrastructure development, it is crucial to maintain the socio-cultural values that have shaped the identity and strength of the woman community. The challenge is to strike a balance between the requirements of effective governance and the preservation and promotion of gotong royong values. Achieving this balance is vital to ensure that development encompasses not just physical infrastructure but also nurtures the social and cultural richness that is essential for local communities, especially woman. A thoughtful approach is needed—one that recognizes the importance of accountability in managing funds while also fostering an organic, community-driven spirit of gotong royong. This way, rural development can be both materially fruitful and culturally enriching, cultivating communities that are not only well-equipped physically but also socially cohesive and culturally vibrant.

Discussion

Social rationality to calculative rationality: changing perspectives on the implementation of women’s roles

The shift from traditional gotong royong to procedural gotong royong stems from the insertion of labor-intensive schemes and the Village Cash Work Programme (PKTD). Both schemes are part of the Village Fund initiative, serving as tools for poverty alleviation and encouraging active community participation in village development. The cash-for-work model allocates at least 50 per cent of the total cost of each project to worker wages. Implementing this model introduces a new approach to rural life in Indonesia.

However, the introduction of a wage system and procedural work in rural development has significantly accelerated the shift in both social capital and the shared cultural structure within communities. This transformation marks a departure from traditional forms of community engagement, where village development activities were primarily supported by strong social capital. The rise of wage-based participation has paved the way for material compensation as a reward for citizens’ involvement, fundamentally altering the dynamics of community participation. This shift reflects a broader transition from social rationality to material rationality in individual decision-making processes. In the rational choice paradigm, as noted by Jordan (2015), individuals’ decisions to engage in social interactions, relationships, and networks are increasingly driven by self-interest motives. In the context of rural development, this translates into a recalibration of community members’ motivations for participation, where material incentives increasingly replace purely social or communal considerations.

The rational choice theory provides a compelling framework for understanding human behavior in the context of social dynamics and development, especially in women’s groups. This theory posits that individuals make decisions based on a calculative assessment of personal benefits, even within the broader scope of social interactions and organizational development (Claridge, 2018). In the traditional rural context, an individual’s position and existence within the village’s social structure were paramount in their decision to participate in community development activities. In traditional gotong royong, women will be the central axis of support in the provisions, consumption, and equipment. This shift includes whether the gotong royong activity is related to aspects of mother and child activities or everything related to a touch of feminism, such as garden making, interior arrangement, and cleanliness in public spaces. Women’s involvement is not correlated with wages. Their involvement is a shared social responsibility that binds them to prevailing social values.

This approach was deeply rooted in the respect for and implementation of communal values and norms, fostering strong interactions and cooperative relationships within the society for collective well-being. Social rationality is widely reflected in various gotong royong activities for village development in a social context, such as gotong royong in building infrastructure, cleaning villages, maintaining security, community activities, and celebrating big holidays.

However, since the introduction of the wage system in every community involvement in village development activities, this social rationality has begun to shift into material rationality, especially in the context of implementing infrastructure development and empowering village communities. The individual’s decision to participate in the village program is driven by the rationality of material reciprocity in remuneration. Without exception, this perspective of economic rationality has also entered the spaces of women’s consciousness in their involvement in gotong royong activities. Women remain the central axis in specific spaces’ provision, consumption, and arrangement. However, in traditional gotong royong, their involvement is not purely based on responsibility and prevailing social values. It is loaded with the hope of gaining access to wages or compensation from what is done in the preparation of supplies and consumption. Previously, they prepared everything based on the family’s resources without expecting compensation. They cook with their creativity, then deliver food and other supplies to the men or women actively involved in the gotong royong activity. At that time, they forgot any expectation of getting a reward for making the food. All the women would share the food menu or share the task of preparing dishes from their homes.

In contrast, after the implementation of PKTD and the support from village funds or other government assistance, the expectation of being compensated for the supplies prepared is very high. Likewise, it is assumed that labor involvement in all stages of gotong-royong will gain access to wages. The creativity of preparing supplies and cooking from home must be accounted for formally and administratively to get reimbursement. Currently, rural women have the skills to prepare project accountability documents in the cluster of supplies and consumption for meetings or other mutual aid activities. Self-consciously, any involvement in gotong-royong activities linked to village development will certainly receive compensation from the Village Fund, especially when budget line items have established or reinforced the assumption of economic rationality awareness.

Although this is legally permissible under village fund regulations and aligns with village fund use policies, it contributes to changes in the motivations for community involvement, especially women in village development activities. This shift is because many projects funded by the Village Fund offer wages or material incentives to encourage participation in village development. For instance, workers involved in building village infrastructure receive daily wages. The expectation is that all community involvement in development programs funded by the village will receive material returns. Based on research conducted in Blora, researchers found that material rationality can undermine the culture of cooperation and social cohesion in village communities, which has traditionally been driven by their social capital. In specific contexts, strains among women’s groups are also evident in their efforts to gain access to funding for the preparation of supplies or wages for their involvement as ‘workers’ in gotong royong activities. This situation is pronounced in the strengthening of ‘pro-village head accusations’, political gimmicks, and other social anomalies among rural women.

Village women in this material rationality become more selective in choosing the activities they participate in, tending to choose projects that offer wages or material incentives. Gotong royong activities or voluntary participation in social activities have experienced a decline in participation because they do not offer direct material benefits. Activities that do not provide wages or material incentives, such as environmental maintenance or traditional ceremonies, may be less desirable. This can result in reduced support for social activities that are important for community sustainability and harmony. This perspective is very different from traditional gotong royong, where the loss of time involved in such activities was a form of responsibility and a consequence of living in society.

This wage system can also change social norms in villages, where hard work and participation in village projects begin to be measured based on the material benefits obtained. Traditional values such as solidarity, togetherness, and gotong royong can be displaced by values towards materialism. By focusing on material gain, social solidarity and a sense of community can decline. Communities may become more individualistic, less concerned with the common good, and more focused on how to gain personal benefits from village projects. This shift in view from social rational to calculative rational is what then also changes the current view of village women towards the value of gotong royong. Many women have realized that when they do not have access to funding for their involvement in gotong royong. It is either as the central role of supplies (money for food raw materials, cooking services, and preparing consumption accountability documents) or as laborers in the activities, they self-consciously recognize themselves as a group of people who have lost out or been cheated by village officials. Economic rationality has prevailed over the shared social values and responsibilities that bound traditional gotong royong in the past.

The creative domestic role of women in procedural social spaces

Gender is defined as the social and cultural characteristics that individuals possess concerning roles, responsibilities, rights, and protections, as well as other privileges. Furthermore, gender can serve as a conceptual tool to identify cultural differences and social roles, responsibilities, constraints, and expectations imposed on women and men, which influence their ability and incentives to participate. The underlying theories include the theory of essentialism and the theory of nurturing. These theories discuss the origins of feminine and masculine traits in humans. The essentialist theory posits that masculine and feminine traits are linked to, and even inseparable from, the influences of biological differences (sex) between men and women. The biological differences between men and women are seen as natural, as are the masculine and feminine traits that they shape (Wahid and Lancia, 2018; Oktaviani, 2024).

If, in essence, women are destined solely to be homemakers, where all domestic duties fall within their responsibilities, men are often associated with masculine traits that predominantly occupy public spaces. The domestic role refers to the scope of activities undertaken by women related to household matters and their inherent feminine nature, such as being mothers responsible for nurturing children and managing other household tasks, including cleaning and cooking. When women enter public spaces, there exists an unwritten consensus that they must balance domestic and public responsibilities.

In the context of public participation in village governance, many women remain confined to feminine spaces closely tied to their domestic roles. For instance, they frequently serve as cadre of PKK (Pemberdayaan Kesejahteraan Keluarga/Family Empowerment and Welfare) and Posyandu (Pos Pelayanan Terpadu/Integrated Health Service Posts). PKK and Posyandu are new-order government programs (Suharto era) related to women’s empowerment that village funds continue to support. In community cooperative efforts, women are often identified as those who closely engage with domestic affairs. In contrast, men are typically assigned tasks requiring physical strength. For example, during village cleanup activities, women’s roles include preparing food and dishes for traditional ceremonies, while men are responsible for arranging event supplies, ensuring security, and maintaining order. Within the village governance system, focus group discussions with officials typically feature only one female representative, usually the PKK chairperson. In village activities, women play vital roles in “women’s” events, such as providing food, addressing issues related to children’s growth and nutrition deficiencies, and tackling health and educational concerns in the community.

In the context of the previous traditional gotong royong, their involvement barely received material compensation from the government. The proverb of self-help and self-reliance encapsulated in previous government programs, coupled with the traditional mentality of ‘hesitancy’ or ‘pekewuh’ to ask about wages and other compensation, has made them avoid economic rationality. Their involvement is based entirely on shared values and social responsibility for the betterment of the village community. This situation makes government programs run optimally with the support of gotong royong without a compensation system of wages or paid consumption.

In contemporary terms, women in community cooperation following government affirmation, particularly through Village Funds, are undergoing a transformation from domestic empowerment to public empowerment. In short, there is a shift from domestic women to public women. The term “domestic” is confined to household responsibilities, including the nuclear family and extended family. In contrast, “public” signifies that women are present, active, working on par with men, and tasked with public responsibilities, including managing administrative accountability related to community cooperation activities funded by the state budget. Village women, in their position as public women, can use their expertise and skills in cooking, working, and preparing project administration as bargaining power to gain access to the Village Fund.

The term “public” does not inherently carry a negative connotation, as Lamijo (2006) illustrates women’s public roles in the context of sexuality. It can represent women’s empowerment that breaks conventional norms, as Abdullah (2002) defines public women as those creating and binding themselves within livelihoods that transition away from agriculture to market-based livelihoods, such as street vendors and market traders. van Klinken (2018) notes that women shift to public actors when they are pressured by subsistence conditions within their domestic spaces, while simultaneously striving to maintain their existence and achieve certain legitimacies that they hope will address emergencies and enhance their status.

This shift from the domestic to the public realm does not imply that women in the Blora region relinquish their roles and positions in domestic affairs. They continue to manage household responsibilities such as cooking, cleaning, laundry, caring for children and husbands, and even working diligently in agricultural livelihoods (planting, harvesting, drying, and processing produce for sale or consumption). Initially, agricultural lands may have been managed by their husbands. Even as Javanese women in Blora gain public empowerment, their involvement in domestic matters remains. Thus, the public space, with all its complexities, does not erase their domestic roles; instead, women seem to take on additional tasks by actively participating in public affairs previously dominated by men. In this context, Javanese women in Blora fulfill their dual roles optimally. She remains active in her family’s domestic activities but is also fully involved in public activities that translate into her social responsibilities. This dual role phenomenon is an inseparable part of Javanese human identity, as Suseno (1997) mentioned in his flagship book, Javanese Ethics.

The above situation is evident when the government promotes various village development programs, especially when there is a village fund that provides space for the involvement of women as much as 30 per cent and funding support for various activities that are directly related to women or everything related to the preparation and support of village development gotong royong activities. Women’s roles in public affairs, coupled with development affirmation and the proliferation of procedural community cooperation activities, are evident in several areas. First, women are most actively involved in community empowerment initiatives related to maternal and child health, such as integrated health service posts, nutrition improvement socialization, stunting prevention, and environmental sanitation promotion. Second, women serve as supporters by providing food and beverages during procedural community cooperation activities. In this context, the traditional domestic role of women in preparing food and drinks from their kitchens largely diminishes, as their participation is guided by rational calculations concerning the costs of preparation in line with the established budget standards for procedural community cooperation.

Third, the division of tasks and roles in procedural community cooperation activities is based on shared skills, expertise, and chemistry, allowing for effective collaboration. They meticulously discuss the distribution of compensation from the budget allocated by the Village Fund for their contributions. In this framework, while women in traditional domestic cooperation fulfill their roles without expecting rewards, in procedural community cooperation, their domestic contributions are assessed and compensated according to budget standards set by development affirmation funds (Village Funds). This shift reflects a change in values from social rationality to calculative rationality, embodied in “the professionalism of women in their public roles when engaging in procedural community cooperation for development.”

Fourth, women’s capacity and skills to manage the administrative responsibilities associated with the use of funds designated in development affirmation funds are crucial. This capability is not solely rooted in formal education or training but rather stems from a series of shared experiences in completing administrative tasks with various stakeholders. They have become accustomed to drafting collaboration contracts, preparing receipts by established standards, providing authentic evidence of activity execution, and undertaking other administrative duties. As a result, rural women in Blora have become “procedurally bureaucratically literate” in managing the finances they utilize. Their involvement in procedural community cooperation not only fosters calculative rationality but also generates knowledge and expertise in providing procedural administrative accountability. Women’s skills in preparing accountability documents for Village Fund projects are not only focused on the completeness of consumption and supplies line items. In addition, they can also prepare various documents online related to meetings, community empowerment (socialization resource persons, banners, and equipment rental), and even the construction of public spaces. They give a touch to their feminist nature, such as parks, child-friendly spaces, the interior design of government buildings, or the completeness of places of worship (mosques, churches, and others).

The realities described above are evident in Sambongrejo, Bangsri, Candi, Nglandeyan, and Gondoriyo in Blora. Particularly in Sambongrejo Village, an isolated indigenous community known as Samin or “Sedulur Sikep,” the rationalization of calculative and procedural behavior among women in their engagement in procedural community cooperation is markedly evident. This situation is a significant departure from previous expectations for indigenous women. However, they have adapted administratively and aligned themselves with the “rhythmic dance” as coined by Bourdieu (Rooksby, 2017), thereby maximizing their public roles. This shift is not only observable in various rural areas of Blora but also reflects a broader trend in rural Indonesia.

Procedural activities in community cooperation have initially been driven by women in leadership positions, such as the village head’s wife, treasurer, village secretary, and chairperson of the Village Consultative Body (BPD). However, the process of “transmission of procedural knowledge and skills” in public participation has now reached a stage of completion. This is evidenced by the testimony of a mother in the Sedulur Sikep Village of Sambongrejo, Blora, who expressed a significant change in her understanding and approach to community cooperation activities. She explained that previously, they did not recognize the importance of budgeting for consumption and executed community activities relying solely on available food resources at home without expecting any compensation. Now, they understand that each community activity, particularly those related to village development projects, requires an allocation for consumption costs and other expenditures. The women noted that they are now more prudent in requesting the necessary funds for these activities to avoid wasting unspent money. Through learning from other women in the village and support from the treasurers and village secretaries, they have adapted to this new system. This indicates a drastic transformation in the role of women in community cooperation compared to before.

This statement signifies the strengthening of affirmative funding for village development, accompanied by a shift in values and social behavior among women. Although this change reflects positive developments in line with the advancement of the times, where rationality in decision-making is increasingly emphasized, it also presents challenges. Therefore, the implemented affirmative programs must consider strategic steps to minimize negative impacts or potential harm arising from the application of village funds. On one hand, it is crucial to enhance community participation through cooperative efforts in village development, while on the other hand, such programs must preserve social cohesion and social transactions grounded in the values of goodness and generosity.

Amid the social shifts in community cooperation practices in rural society, there remains a distinctive characteristic: the presence and empowerment of rural women in various cooperative activities. This bond is based on the internalization of social values and responsibilities transmitted continuously from the older generation to the younger generation and kinship relations among villagers. However, many villages are already heterogeneous, so kinship relations are not necessarily an indicator of their cooperation. Awareness of social values and social sanctions in the form of social anomie is integral to their involvement in various gotong royong activities. They are always present in all types of cooperation, whether in traditional gatherings of the past or procedural cooperation in the present. They appear to be the “most sincere beings” in these community activities. In traditional cooperation, they have always played a supportive role from behind, providing food, drinks, and supplies. In some cases, they also participate in physically demanding activities. The presence of women in community cooperation is rarely aimed at “enhancing the men’s desire to work” towards shared goals. Their involvement is about the division of tasks and roles to ensure that this volunteerism runs smoothly, quickly, and in accordance with the agreed-upon terms. They organize themselves domestically regarding what is needed and carry out the cooperative activities. The reciprocal communication to determine the menu to be brought is a characteristic of women’s empowerment in this domestic space, striving to create a “domestic agreement” to be brought into the social space of public cooperation.

The empowerment of women’s groups differs slightly in procedural cooperation. Women remain empowered and continue to fill these social spaces. However, the domestic space for organizing support activities is quite limited. This limitation arises from established financing standards, such as how much to budget per person for snacks or the cost of a box of rice for each individual. Their domestic roles in community cooperation are often transferred or collectively delegated to market institutions, whether catering services, food stalls, or women’s empowerment groups, which are compensated according to the budget plans established by the government (village fund programs). Women are now financially literate and have improved their financial literacy, including how to account for budget usage according to the

provisions set by the program (the state). They are no longer empowered in practical aspects (cooking, preparing food and drinks, or supplies) voluntarily in their domestic spaces but are engaged in an “imaginary game or abstract empowerment in the form of numerical calculations and accountability.”

The active role of Javanese women in both domestic and public spheres is an intriguing sociological phenomenon. These women adeptly balance dual responsibilities, managing their domestic duties while also engaging in public development initiatives. This balancing act reflects a nuanced response to the paradoxical demands of contemporary rural life, where women are expected to maintain their presence in family life while contributing to broader community development. The penetration of gender paradigms into both private and social spaces has catalyzed the transformation of the character of gotong royong and the role of women after the Village Fund Policy in Blora (Fig. 3).

Fig. 3: Transformation of the Character of Gotong royong and the Role of Women After the Village Fund Policy in Blora.

figure 3

This diagram illustrates the transformation of gotong royong (mutual cooperation) and the role of women following the introduction of the Village Fund. The left side shows the influence of institutional and fiscal factors on community dynamics, specifically how helpfulness of people, trust in government officials, and group characteristics in decision-making affect the norms of gotong royong. These norms contribute to volunteerism, which leads to changes in the role of women and the character of gotong royong. On the right side, the diagram contrasts traditional gotong royong, characterized by volunteering, pure participation, and collective orientation, with procedural gotong royong, which involves forced or selective participation, rule formalization, and calculative rationality. These changes reflect the broader socio-cultural shift from a community-driven model to one more driven by formal procedures and material incentives.

Full size image

The Village Fund program, with its various scenarios, has become a platform for what can be termed “limited stimulation participation.” This concept encapsulates the complex balance that women achieve between active involvement in village development and recognition of their crucial roles in household life. This participation, stimulated by a village-based development approach, manifests as engagement that does not sacrifice women’s original domestic roles. In the context of Javanese society, women have evolved beyond the traditional concept of “konco wingking” (domestic goddess) to become active social figures while still honoring their household responsibilities. They are not only companions at home with their husbands and children or extended families but also companions of joint social participation in various development affirmations. This relation is either among women or together with men’s groups in the development of their villages. This shift represents a significant leap in empowerment, challenging traditional gender norms while respecting cultural values. It highlights the adaptability and resilience of Javanese women, who have effectively expanded their scope of influence without abandoning their cultural roots. This dual involvement not only enriches community development but also has the potential to transform family dynamics, promoting a fairer distribution of responsibilities and influence both at home and in the public sphere.

Conclusion

The intense social incentives and development initiatives from the central government directly to the regions have led to a decline in gotong royong activities. The traditional basis of gotong royong, rooted in the spirit of togetherness and solidarity without formal administrative boundaries, has shifted with the formal administrative adjustments and governance of the Village Fund budgeting scheme. Recently, gotong royong has been supported by budgeting instruments. Exclusivity based on skills and technical expertise has become the primary basis for selecting involved actors. In the position of wage laborers, the ecosystem and social habits have also led to material compensation for laborers and forms of remuneration that have transitioned from the domestic sphere to the public realm. woman Community involvement in Gotong Royong moments has become very limited, and calculative rationalization has sharply increased.

The change in women’s roles in gotong royong is an example of a broader transformation in rural Indonesian society. What was once a voluntary contribution in kind from the domestic sphere has now become something that can be monetized, with support requiring financial compensation. This change extends to women’s involvement in public gotong royong activities, which increasingly depend on economic calculations. As a result, women’s participation in village development now relies on their ability to navigate complex governance structures and administrative procedures. The transition from sincere, community-driven actions to calculated, procedural engagement represents a fundamental change in community involvement.

Gotong royong, which could previously serve as a model for culturally-based peace education, has transformed into a collective learning space characterized by calculative rationality. The internalization of materialistic values has led communities to limit themselves to inclusive development and social relationships. The Village Fund, initially seen as a development stimulus, in practice has become a “driver” of social anomie and the erosion of community cohesion. Development is no longer based on broad community participation but tends to be limited to participation oriented toward access to the stimuli provided through various programs. If this situation continues, the social ecosystem and cohesion will become highly vulnerable. Community resilience is likely to fade and become dependent on stimulus support from the state. Similarly, women’s participation will be more oriented toward the stimuli provided by the state rather than open participation offered by the community at large.

This study has several limitations. Primarily, its findings cannot be generalized to represent all villages in Indonesia due to the unique characteristics of each research location. The research presents a nuanced portrait of changes in gotong royong specific to the studied areas. Further research is necessary to provide a more comprehensive understanding of the shifts in collective values, rural women’s roles, and gotong royong practices across Indonesia, specifically related to village fund policy.

Data availability

The data that support the findings of this study are available from the National Research and Innovation Agency of Indonesia (BRIN). The data, however, are available from the authors upon reasonable request and with the permission of BRIN.

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Acknowledgements

We express our sincere gratitude to the Ministry of Finance of the Republic of Indonesia and Sinergi dan Kolaborasi untuk Akselerasi Layanan Dasar (SKALA) (https://skala.or.id/) for granting permission and providing financial support for this research. The Ministry’s contribution has been instrumental in enabling a thorough analysis and enhancing the quality of our findings on the effectiveness of the Village Fund program in Indonesia. This research was funded by Sinergi dan Kolaborasi untuk Akselerasi Layanan Dasar (SKALA) (https://skala.or.id/), a partnership program between Australia and Indonesia.

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National Research and Innovation Agency (BRIN), Jakarta, Indonesia

M. Alie Humaedi, Djoko Puguh Wibowo, Wahyudi Hariyanto, Slamet Rahmat Topo Susilo, Febtri Wijayanti, Fatwa Nurul Hakim, Martino Martino, Gustaf Wijaya, Rosita Novi Andari & Yumantoko Yumantoko

University of Indonesia, Depok, Indonesia

Adhis Tessa

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M. Alie Humaedi

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