On Thursday 27 February, Kurdish militia PKK leader Abdullah Öcalan called from prison in Turkey for his movement to lay down its arms. The news hit like a bomb. It marks the provisional end of a decades-long armed conflict.
Mazloum Abdi, the leader of the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF), ideologically and organisationally linked to the PKK, reacted ambiguously. He reiterated his respect for Öcalan's leadership, but also said the Syrian situation is different from Turkey's. The SDF protects a Kurdish self-government in northeastern Syria, the largest area the PKK ever co-ruled. Abdi does not want to lose that. Just under a week later, he said he would welcome Israel's support.
Meanwhile, rumours were buzzing in Syria that the SDF was "a problem that needs to be addressed", and that a military operation against them was imminent. After the pro-Assad uprising on the coast and the subsequent revenge attacks against the Alawites, this would be a disaster.
Negotiations between the SDF and the al-Sharaa government in Damascus have long been at a standstill. To have leverage during those talks, the Kurds made alliances. Indeed, in addition to his rapprochement with Israel, Abdi had also hosted his Kurdish rival Massoud Barzani from Iraqi Kurdistan on 16 January. That they had united and reconciled strengthened Abdi's negotiating position with al-Sharaa.
Historic agreement on Syria's unity
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Until Monday, March 10, al-Sharaa and Mazloum Abdi suddenly signed an agreement in principle. The division of Syrian territory between north-eastern Syria (SDF) and the rest of the country would be lifted, Kurdish forces would be integrated into the Syrian army, and the state of war would end.
Integrating the Kurdish forces of the SDF into the regular Syrian army is good for Turkey for two reasons. First, a strengthened and inclusive Syrian army means a stronger Syria. Israel thus loses its grip on the Kurds, and Turkey wins a diplomatic battle. Second, Kurdish forces incorporated into the Syrian army will also defend the country. Yet Turkey, which co-sponsored the accord, continued to bomb SDF positions after it.
The accord, of course, includes a number of concessions to the SDF. In it, Kurds are considered an "indigenous Syrian community". That means their language and culture are recognised as Syrian. In addition, the agreement stipulates that 'all Syrians, regardless of ethnic or religious background, are allowed to participate in Syrian politics based on their competences'.
The political leaders of the autonomous administration of north-eastern Syria can be given positions within Syrian state structures. This allows them to champion the cultural and economic interests of the Kurds in the north, such as oil and gas fields and border crossings.
This agreement is not only historic for the Kurds. 'For me, this is more important than the fall of Assad. It lays the foundation for peaceful coexistence between different groups of Syrians,' sums up Abdelkader, a taxi driver from Damascus. The militarily strong Kurds will also provide a balance of power that can curb al-Sharaa's authoritarian ambitions.
Images of the two leaders signing the agreement and shaking hands went viral on social media. In Syrian cities, bangs echoed. Not from gun barrels this time, but from fireworks and celebrations. Even in Tartous, just a few days earlier the scene of horrific violence, people celebrated.
It seems that the threat of violence, which would plunge the whole country into chaos, led the enemies to band together to prioritise the stability and unity of the country.