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Stolen Futures: The Abduction of Ukrainian Children by Russia and the Battle to Bring Them Back Home

In the shadow of Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, an alarming and heartbreaking reality is unfolding for Ukrainian children, whose lives have been upended by forced deportations and systemic abuse.

Recent video testimonies, using first names only to protect identities, shared with the Sun by Save Ukraine, a nonprofit organization dedicated to rescuing and supporting Ukrainian children, disclose that these children endure daily trauma while also having their identities and futures stripped away.

Sixteen-year-old Oleksii’s struggle began when he was reprimanded for using Ukrainian letters in Russian words. His punishment escalated quickly, placing him on a military draft list as his classmates were being forcibly taken to enlistment offices. His best friend and her entire family were deported and banned from ever returning home.

Fourteen-year-old Denys faced three years under Russian occupation, separated from his father, a soldier who had been forced to flee. Interrogated by the FSB and subjected to a Russian curriculum, Denys was forced to attend military drills, where he refused to participate while some of his peers eagerly embraced the training and propaganda.

Fifteen-year-old Vadym’s dreams were shattered as he lost the chance to pursue his passion for sports, only to be further threatened by the FSB with being sent to an orphanage. Despite these harrowing conditions, Vadym continued his education online through a Ukrainian school, knowing that escaping the occupation was his only path to a safe future.

All three minors lived in areas under Russian occupation, and were rescued by teams on behalf of the Save Ukraine organization and carried out as part of the Bring Kids Back UA initiative.

Russian officials, meanwhile, have been captured on camera boasting of their “rescue” missions to steal Ukrainian children from occupied territories.

“Once Ukrainian children are taken to Russia, the goal is clear: weaponize them against the security of Europe and beyond,” an adviser to the Head of the Office of the President of Ukraine, Daria Zarivna,, tells the Sun. She is also chief operations officer at Bring Kids Back UA. “Moscow,” she says, “wants to raise a generation stripped of their identity and turn Ukrainian children into tools for future aggression.”

The Shocking Scope of the Issue

Ukrainian authorities report that Russia has abducted 20,000 children, while Yale’s Humanitarian Research Lab has tracked over 30,000 children taken to various locations outside Ukraine. Their database includes detailed information on 6,000 children moved to Russia and more than 2,400 to Belarus, with dossiers on 314 children in Russia’s adoption, orphanage, and foster systems.

Russian officials have cited even higher figures, claiming to have rescued some 700,000 children from conflict regions, underscoring the scale of efforts to forcibly assimilate Ukrainian children into Russian society.

Civil rights advocate and core contributor to the Child Has a Right, a grassroots initiative advocating for child and parent rights in Ukraine, Nataliia Bolshova tells the Sun that “in addition, over 1.5 million children remain in temporarily occupied territories and are at high risk of future deportation.”

So, how does Moscow carry out these operations?

Those tracking the crimes allege that Russia is systematically abducting Ukrainian children from war zones under the guise of evacuations, including entire orphanages, forcibly relocating them to Russian-controlled areas, and erasing their identities. Many are taken from orphanages or families under false claims of abandonment, then subjected to indoctrination, military training, and forced adoption into Russian families.

“Many are minors who lost their parents due to combat, and children separated from their families during filtration procedures,” Ms. Bolshova said. “Many of these deportations occurred without parental consent, legal process, or even proper documentation of the child’s identity.”

Ms. Zarivna explained that children are then issued Russian passports, placed in Russian families, given new names, and often sent to so-called ‘re-education’ camps, where they’re forced to participate in military-style training and subjected to relentless propaganda, making reunification nearly impossible.

“The goal is to break their connection to Ukraine entirely — to erase their past and shape them into loyal Russian citizens,” she continued.

“There’s also an emotional layer. Russian propaganda tells these children that Ukraine has abandoned them, that Russia is their real home, and that no one is coming for them. When a child hears that enough times, it becomes a new reality – and that’s heartbreaking.”

Evidence of such camps is drawn from satellite imagery, local reports, and testimonies from international organizations and witnesses. Former Secretary of State called these facilities “unconscionable.”

The Kremlin itself disseminated videos of the camps under the guise of patriotic education “health and patriotic education.” According to Ms. Bolshova, “many of original videos are later removed from open platforms once they are used in international investigations or media coverage, especially those originally posted on Russian or Belarusian social networks.”

Legal changes have made it easier for Russia to adopt these children without consent, violating international law. Some are used in propaganda, while others are prepared for military service. The government pays families hundreds of dollars for taking in Ukrainian children. Russian state media showcases images of Putin embracing these children, portraying their abduction as rescue rather than a war crime.

Ms. Zarivna brought up the case of a 10-month-old baby, Margarita Prokopenko, who was taken from an orphanage in Kherson during the Russian occupation.

“She was secretly moved to Russia, her name was changed to Marina Mironova, and she was given Russian citizenship,” she said. “Her adoption was proudly announced by Sergey Mironov, the leader of Russia’s ‘A Just Russia – Patriots – For Truth’ party and his wife. Today, no one knows where Margarita is.”

This, however, isn’t the first time the Kremlin has adopted such a tactic, with cases dating back to its 2014 annexation of Crimea. Some children taken then were later returned. Russian families adopted others under programs like Train of Hope. Many of these children have since been funneled into military training, with some possibly now serving as Russian soldiers.

The Islamic State in Iraq and Syria used a similar strategy when it abducted thousands from the Yazidi religious minority in 2014. Many Yazidi children were taken by Arab Islamic State families, forcibly renamed, and indoctrinated into extremist ideology. They were relocated across the Middle East, severing their ties to their heritage and making reunification with surviving relatives nearly impossible.

A War Crime?

Russia’s Commissioner for Children’s Rights, Maria Lvova-Belova, is at the center of the country’s mass abduction of Ukrainian children. Sanctioned by the United States, Europe, the United Kingdom, and a string of other countries, she is alleged to have overseen the forced deportation and re-homing of thousands, portraying the effort as a humanitarian mission while Ukraine and international courts deem it a war crime.

The true number of Ukrainian children taken by Russia remains uncertain, yet what is certain is that among the at least tens of thousands, just a little over 1200 have returned to their homeland. Additional testimonies of those repatriated provided to the Sun by Save Ukraine paint a harrowing picture of life under Russian rule.

Oleksii, 16, was punished for using Ukrainian letters and soon placed on a military draft list, while classmates were threatened at enlistment offices. His best friend and her entire family were deported and banned from returning home. Fourteen-year-old Denys endured three years of occupation, FSB interrogations, home searches, and mandatory military drills at school, where some classmates embraced propaganda.

Vadym, 15, lost his athletic dreams, was threatened with being sent to an orphanage, and clung to online Ukrainian schooling as his only hope for escape.

Ms. Bolshova said that Ukraine’s civil society, supported by volunteer networks and open-source intelligence initiatives, has used field verification, digital tools, and humanitarian contacts to trace the location of at least 2000 of the stolen—but a more robust system is paramount.

“What’s needed now is a formal, internationally facilitated cooperation model that enables secure, anonymized, and legally compliant data confirmation. Such a framework could connect Ukrainian institutions and civil society actors. If the political space allows Russian intermediaries, all while prioritizing the safety and rights of the children,” she noted.

“In most cases, the only possible path to return is via close relatives such as parents, grandparents, siblings, aunts or uncles, who are able and willing to take legal responsibility. But when no such relatives exist or can be identified, the child becomes effectively unreturnable.”

The United States Response

Recovering abducted Ukrainian children has become increasingly difficult, compounded by uncertainty over United States aid and assistance in the matter.

Despite Secretary Rubio’s proclamation that Ukrainians “need to get the children back,” followed by President Trump’s recent pledge to work with Ukraine on the issue, the administration earlier this month halted funding for a key program investigating the disappearances.

The State Department did not respond to a request for further clarity or comment.

The Yale School of Public Health’s Humanitarian Research Lab, which had been documenting abductions through the State Department’s Conflict Observatory, saw its work frozen after Trump’s executive order in January suspending most foreign aid.

The university initially received $6 million to launch the program, and $20 million since, a source connected to the program but not authorized to speak on-record tells the Sun. It relied on government partnerships for effectiveness and to navigate diplomatic sensitivities.

A group of bipartisan lawmakers, led by Ohio Democrat Greg Landsman, sent a congressional letter earlier this month raising alarms and requesting further information as to whether a database containing information on the abducted children may have been deleted.

The Conflict Observatory, which had tracked Russian war crimes since 2022, was defunded and removed from the State Department website.

While the lab itself was not directly involved in extractions, their OSINT tools helped pinpoint facilities and movement patterns, which in turn allowed humanitarian actors to act, multiple sources connected to the project tell the Sun.

Ms. Bolshova clarified that Yale’s Humanitarian Research Lab operated under a specific U.S. State Department contract, meaning its activities were government-funded, not internally financed.

“When that contract ended, they reportedly lost access to their own archival database including possibly satellite data and analysis linked to U.S. intelligence,” she said.

The source affirmed that, despite concerns, the data exists and the program is in a “transitional” period. It now appears, however, that other countries and entities are stepping up.

The initiative is slated to resume with funding from “other governments and entities,” presumably partner nations in the European Union. Up until January, the European Union “coordinated and collaborated with the lab but “didn’t provide financial support,” the source said.

“Moving forward, the EU will be the designated holder of all the data—not just related to the children but covering three years’ worth of investigations,” the source noted, emphasizing the importance of not letting the $26 million in taxpayer funds go to waste.

Ms. Bolshova also pointed out that Europe is playing an increasing role, “yet one of the greatest ongoing challenges remains coordination.”

“Too many well-intentioned efforts operate in silos, duplicating work or missing key opportunities for synergy,” she surmised. “The international community’s most urgent contribution should now focus on helping Ukraine and civil society actors consolidate fragmented initiatives and build an integrated framework for cross-border cooperation from guardianship and documentation to safe return and long-term support.”

Going Forward

An expert on the experiences of children in contexts of large-scale political violence and the Russia-Ukraine War, Iuliia Hoban, underscored that “this issue is central to any resolution of the war.”

“When discussing policies for these children, it’s crucial to include their voices in the process. These children have experienced severe human rights violations, and their perspectives should be considered in shaping reintegration efforts,” she tells the Sun.

“Ensuring their recovery and accountability for crimes perpetrated against them is essential for long-term peace.”

Activists stress that these are not just numbers but lives being ripped apart and discarded.

“This isn’t just about forcing children to love Russia — it’s about turning them into weapons,” Ms. Zarivna added. “Russia is not only trying to assimilate Ukrainian children but to mold them into tools of its military aggression. This is hybrid warfare targeting the most vulnerable.”

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