AbstractVulnerability in disaster contexts involves two key issues: firstly, post-disaster recovery is often seen as an opportunity not only to rebuild damaged systems and restore communities to their pre-disaster state but also to improve components and conditions to create more resilient social systems. Secondly, reconstructing the environment, landscape, and infrastructure exactly as they were before the disaster often reinstates the same vulnerabilities that existed previously. From a homeostasis perspective, vulnerabilities can be categorised into two types: those resulting from inaction and the accumulation of difficulties over time, and those triggered by sudden impacts such as natural disasters. If we view vulnerabilities as part of the regional complementary process, they can serve as multi-faceted political vectors for reform. To achieve genuine recovery, it is essential to adopt homeostasis as a guiding principle for political reform, eliminating institutionalised discrimination and fostering diverse, adaptive mechanisms within regional systems.
IntroductionVulnerability is a broad concept, particularly emphasised in disaster management. It is commonly defined as exposure to risk and an inability to avoid or absorb potential harm1,2, as well as the propensity of an object, area, individual, group, or community to suffer from the consequences of a hazard3. However, the interpretation of ‘vulnerability’ varies depending on the field of study, whether it be sociology, information security, or public health. Social opportunities can disproportionately benefit socially vulnerable populations, such as female-headed or low-income households, older adults, and those with physical disabilities. Vulnerability, disaster risk, and impact are interconnected and influence one another. Post-disaster instability is closely tied to pre-existing, unresolved long-term issues. These ongoing problems, both before and after disasters, offer an opportunity to reassess vulnerability from a new perspective. A systematic approach reveals that vulnerability and resilience are two sides of the same coin, each playing a role in the recovery process4. Post-disaster recovery has two key aspects: restoring pre-disaster conditions and improving communities to be more resilient in the future5,6. However, without proper intervention, vulnerability can perpetuate the same challenges experienced prior to the disaster7. Holistic approaches, such as the Building Back Better principles, provide frameworks to enhance resilience during the reconstruction of damaged communities8.In this context, governments, including regional authorities, often plan policies for urgent recovery and long-term development to rebuild social structures. However, the question arises: how do we define ‘recovery’ and ‘resilience’? Since environmental and social conditions differ by region, the concepts of ‘recovery’ and ‘resilience’ must be examined through the lens of regional homeostasis. Homeostasis refers to the process of maintaining an internal balance or self-regulation, typically discussed in physiological terms9,10, but applicable to regions seeking stability and recovery post-disaster.In the context of recovery and resilience, homeostasis refers to the sustainability of a region and the daily lives of its residents. Disasters are inherently linked to policy4, and homeostasis can be defined as the complementary political measures that enable flexible responses to the varied needs of different communities, such as addressing vulnerabilities in daily life.Daily life vulnerability encompasses a wide range of issues, such as the decline of public transport, weakening industries, migration of young populations, qualitative changes in local communities due to declining birth rates, growing socioeconomic inequality, and mismatches between the needs of the broader public and local communities11. These have been particularly significant concerns in the Tohoku region since the Great East Japan Earthquake in 2011. Many communities continue to face ongoing ecological, economic, and educational stress, as well as heightened vulnerability12,13. According to the Board of Audit of Japan, JPY 38,177,100,000,000 has been spent over the 10 years since the earthquake. However, with the repayment deadline for disaster assistance funds approaching, approximately JPY 6.3 billion, particularly for Iwate, Miyagi, and Fukushima prefectures, remains outstanding. Disaster recovery policies face many challenges, and several studies have failed to adequately assess the current and future directions of regional policy14,15,16,17,18,19.To clarify policy directions for addressing daily life vulnerabilities and achieving homeostasis, it is essential to examine both explicit and implicit issues. ‘Verbalising’ activities help foster effective communication between the public and private sectors, promoting dialogue and policy coordination with citizens. In disaster-stricken areas, such activities are particularly important for addressing specific issues such as the reconstruction of seawalls, roads, housing, businesses, disaster prevention measures, and employment opportunities.Several issues remain unspoken, leading to a lack of effective communication. In the context of recovery, this is often a matter of prioritisation. Under the pressure of urgent reconstruction needs, some critical issues are sidelined and left unresolved, many of which existed before the disaster. These are often institutionalised problems. A key reason for this may be the rigidity of local (prefectural) government policies, including fiscal constraints and various inequalities. The contributions of this study are two-fold: (1) Conventional recovery assessments tend to focus on the results of “reform”. (2) This study examines the relationship between the rigidity of administrative organisations and the issues that remain unreformed. By doing so, we can identify the obstacles to reform in these areas.Verbalised issues are tangible and measurable, such as seawalls, facilities, employment, food supply, and economic assistance. Unverbalised issues, however, are often visible within certain communities or attributes but invisible in others. By considering both verbalised and unverbalised cases, we can reassess regional homeostasis, resilience, and the effectiveness of regional governance in addressing these issues. This approach helps in understanding both verbalised and unverbalised experiences of pain, loss, hope, and daily life challenges in difficult living situations, including those related to disaster recovery. These findings may contribute to future efforts to reduce inequity and promote regional reforms.Theoretical frameworks of verbalised case are followings, first, reconstruction of the seawall and daily life.The reconstruction of seawalls, particularly their height, is one of the most significant and commonly discussed issues representing vulnerability in disaster-affected areas. As the “reconstruction” issue is both urgent and essential, governments provide concrete plans, economic assistance, and establish forums for discussions between citizens and regional offices. Timelines and costs for construction are presented based on the extent of the damage. In coastal disaster regions like Rikuzentakata and Otsuchi, several common factors exist. Both towns have a comparable number of disaster victims, similar levels of injury and damage, and equal reconstruction funding from government support. Moreover, the reconstruction of seawalls and other public facilities is a community-wide issue rather than an individual concern. Thus, comparing the policy-making processes between these two towns, particularly in terms of communication about the seawall height, highlights the verbalised vulnerabilities and their political resolution. This study analyses these cases using public data and fieldwork results.Theoretical frameworks of unverbalised (latency) case are followings, freedom of movement and gender inequity.Unverbalised issues relate to latent inequity, often overlooked and deprioritised, particularly in disaster recovery processes. ‘Inequity’ is defined as disproportionately favouring well-off groups over those in unfavourable or vulnerable conditions20,21,22. Furthermore, unverbalized issues often become associated with certain attributes, such as poor individuals, households, areas, or depopulated communities.To demonstrate that pre-existing issues have persisted or worsened regardless of direct disaster impact, a comparison between the coastal areas of Iwate and Akita is insightful. For example, disparities in education have led to certain groups being confined to specific areas. In the Tohoku region, significant economic disparities exist between coastal and inland areas, especially in terms of education, freedom of movement, and gender inequity.This study focuses on the issues of freedom of movement and gender inequity, using public data, relevant materials, and supplementary interviews. These represent institutionalised disparities that predate the disaster and have not been significantly altered by it. To verify this, comparisons are drawn with areas such as Oga and Ogata in Akita, which were unaffected by the tsunami. By doing so, we can identify key unverbalised factors that are essential for maintaining regional homeostasis.MethodsVerbalised case: reconstruction of the seawall and daily lifeRecovery plans and literature often emphasise the importance of promoting infrastructure reconstruction through ‘dialogues’ and policy coordination with citizen input12,19,21,23. To foster cooperation among diverse institutions and communities, the involvement of multiple authorities, affected communities, and businesses is essential. The complex and costly nature of post-disaster reconstruction often exacerbates regional disparities17,18,24.Among the many recovery plans, the issue of seawall reconstruction is one of the most notable examples where ‘dialogues’ have effectively addressed verbalised daily life concerns. Seawalls are directly related to community-based security, making it easier for residents to voice their opinions. To understand citizens’ verbalized opinions on vulnerability and landscape recovery, this study focused on the seawall height debates in Rikuzentakata and Otsuchi, Iwate Prefecture. The seawall serves as a visible and measurable symbol of ‘verbalised issues’ and represents a key aspect of ‘recovery’ for the local community.This study utilised records of proceedings, reconstruction plans from city and town offices, and supplementary fieldwork and interviews conducted over two years, from April 2022 to April 2024. Interviews were conducted with public transportation drivers, taxi drivers, community members, and students. The most recent field research took place from 3 to 5 September 2023 in Rikuzentakata and Otsuchi, coastal areas in Iwate Prefecture, and from 16 to 17 November 2023 in the Oga Peninsula and Ogata, reclaimed areas in Akita Prefecture.Figure 1 shows the map of the research areas.Fig. 1: Map of the Iwate and Akita Prefecture.Iwate is located on the Pacific side and experienced Tsunami disaster in Great East Japan Earthquake in 2011. Akita is located on the Sea of Japan side. Iwate Prefecture: https://www.pref.iwate.jp/kyouikubunka/kokusai/1006971/1007033/1007048.html. Map of Japan, Frame Illust. https://frame-illust.com/?p=11202. Akita Prefecture: All Japan Relocation, https://www.alljapanrelocation.co.jp/destination/akita/maps-of-akita/.Full size imageUnverbalised case: institutionalised inequityFirstly, the author examined the issues of freedom of movement and gender inequity in Iwate Prefecture. These two challenges have been significant since before the disaster, yet no political reforms have been implemented. The disaster brought these issues into sharper focus. Peer-reviewed research papers, government documents, and supplementary interviews were utilised to confirm the lack of political reform, which has resulted in rigid policies in these areas. This policy rigidity is the main barrier to achieving regional homeostasis.Secondly, the author investigated the case of the Oga Peninsula and Ogata, reclaimed lands in Akita Prefecture. Like Iwate Prefecture, Oga and Ogata faced similar vulnerabilities in terms of depopulation and poverty prior to the disaster. However, under the government’s post-war food production increase plans, these areas underwent 20 years of land reclamation to create rice cultivation areas25,26. The development covered 22,024 hectares, with 25 million cubic metres of sand being used for landfill. Following the implementation of the government’s ‘gentan’ (acreage reduction) policy in the 1980s, food self-sufficiency rates declined, and intensive agriculture in the region decreased. Although Oga and Ogata were not directly affected by the 2011 Tsunami, the pre-existing issues became more apparent, similar to the situation in Iwate Prefecture. Despite the abolition of the ‘gentan’ policy, the farming population has not recovered, exacerbating food security concerns, particularly after the disaster. Furthermore, Akita Prefecture has long experienced the highest levels of depopulation and suicide rates in Japan27. Over time, the communication between regional communities and the government in Oga and Ogata has deteriorated, leading to the accumulation of unaddressed, unverbalised issues.ResultsVerbalised case: reconstruction of the seawall and daily lifeIn Rikuzentakata and Otsuchi, the 2011 tsunami claimed many lives, including those of local officials, and paralysed administrative functions. Reconstructing social infrastructure became the top priority for recovery, with the seawall emerging as a visible and verbalised issue in disaster prevention.In Rikuzentakata, the local government decided to rebuild the seawall at a height of 12.5 metres, significantly higher than the 5.5 metres it stood before the tsunami9,28,29. In contrast, in Otsuchi, the local government and residents chose to restore the seawall to its pre-earthquake height of 6.4 metres. Both cities’ reconstructions were carried out by the prefectural and central governments under a three-part disaster-reduction plan, which included building seawalls, levelling land, and relocating communities to higher ground. However, the height of the seawall was inevitably influenced by the other two policies, and the local populations in each city had differing views on the seawall’s importance. In Rikuzentakata, the newly constructed 12.5-metre seawall blocks the view of the sea. Now, the sea is visible only from the observatory of the city hall, which was rebuilt on a hill at its original pre-disaster location (Fig. 2). The seawall dominates the landscape, obstructing the view and limiting the field of vision. The surrounding area remains largely vacant, with grass growing where homes and businesses once stood. A few stores are scattered around the streets and near the station, but the area is noticeably empty. While few residents had emphasised the importance of the sea view before the disaster9,28, the loss of livelihoods in fisheries and the forced relocation of communities left them with limited options30. In Rikuzentakata, disaster prevention is now symbolised by the height of the seawall, and the city hall remains in its original location, with the seawall’s increased height as a constant reminder.Fig. 2: Rikuzentakata seawall from the observatory of the city hall, September 4, 2023.The newly constructed 12.5-metre seawall blocks the view of the sea. Now, the sea is visible only from the observatory of the city hall. Photographed by the author during the research.Full size imageIn Otsuchi, the national government and prefectural authorities proposed constructing a seawall at a height of 14.5 metres. However, the local residents and community decided to rebuild the wall at its original height of 6.4 metres (Fig. 3). According to the minutes of regular city meetings held after the disaster, this decision was based on the plan for people to relocate their homes to areas elevated by 15-metre levelling projects, allowing them to continue enjoying the sea view31,32. A wall at a height of 12.5 to 14.5 metres would obstruct this view. Historically, the people of Otsuchi have had a close relationship with the sea, often walking to the coast to enjoy the reconstructed Horaijima, a small shrine symbolising purity with roots in Taoism (Fig. 4). Horaijima was not only a significant cultural symbol but also a tourist attraction, known as the inspiration for the famous Japanese puppet animation Hyokkori Hyotanjima (Gourd Island), which aired in 1964. The sea view and Horaijima formed a key part of the local identity. The community, therefore, agreed to rebuild the seawall at its previous height to preserve the landscape and maintain a connection with their pre-disaster environment. The height of the seawall became a shared and verbalised issue within the community, reflecting their collective vision for recovery.Fig. 3: Otsuchi seawall, September 4, 2023.The local residents and community decided to rebuild the wall at its original height of 6.4 metres. The residents can look out to sea from their town. Photographed by the author.Full size imageFig. 4: Horaijima, Horai Island with the lighthouse, September 4, 2023.Horaijima is known as the inspiration for the famous Japanese puppet animation Hyokkori Hyotanjima (Gourd Island), which aired in 1964. It consists of two large-small islands, gourd-shaped. People can cross over to the island by foot and see the small shrine and the lighthouse. Horaijima has been designated a cultural property of Otsuchi in 2018. Photographed by the author.Full size imageIn both Rikuzentakata and Otsuchi, the landscape held significant historical and cultural value for the indigenous population. However, the disaster reduction infrastructure often disregarded the area’s ecosystem and original landscape, resulting in a double loss—first during the disaster and again during the recovery process28,33,34. Additionally, many residents expressed dissatisfaction with ongoing daily life challenges, such as difficulties in communicating with local and prefectural governments about recovery efforts, unemployment, and declining service quality. During supplementary interviews conducted by the author, some respondents indicated that their opinions had not been respected (unverbalised) and raised concerns about how tax money was being used for recovery (Interview Research Record, 4–5 September 2023). These grievances primarily focused on the visible misuse of public funds.Thirteen years after the Great East Japan Earthquake, efforts to enhance the capacity of local authorities to evacuate residents from disaster-prone areas have shown positive results. However, the rigidity of regional policies at both the prefectural and local government levels continues to be a major factor contributing to inequity and remains an obstacle to reforming decision-making processes.The national reconstruction grant allocated JPY 201.7 billion (approximately USD 1.3 billion) to Rikuzentakata, which included JPY 59 billion for a land readjustment project and JPY 36.6 billion for the relocation of disaster prevention groups. Otsuchi received JPY 118.5 billion, including JPY 29.4 billion for disaster prevention group relocation and JPY 25.4 billion for the construction of public housing for disaster victims35,36. The intensive investment of public funds enabled the rapid reconstruction of key social infrastructure, such as roads, which resulted in reduced travel times. For instance, the newly reconstructed road from Miyako City to Morioka City reduced the transportation time from two and a half hours to one and a half hours37. In terms of cost-effectiveness, these grants were successful in facilitating the reconstruction of certain social infrastructure.The repayment deadline for disaster assistance funds is rapidly approaching, with approximately JPY 6.3 billion (across Iwate, Miyagi, and Fukushima) still outstanding38. Around 30% of loan recipients are currently unable to meet their repayment obligations, with external factors such as the COVID-19 pandemic and rising raw material prices, driven by conflicts and climate crises, exacerbating the situation. Despite the significant financial aid provided, national and local policies have not successfully fostered diverse political structures capable of addressing these evolving challenges.Although the national reconstruction grant was substantial, many residents who lived through the disaster and recovery process felt that the reconstruction efforts disregarded the original landscape of the sea, water, forests, and other natural features37. These elements, integral to the local identity, were sacrificed in the push for rapid reconstruction focused on disaster prevention, such as the construction of seawalls. While the rebuilt infrastructure is tangible, the deeper losses—those connected to the region’s natural landscape and way of life—are less visible and often difficult to articulate. These intangible losses remain under-addressed in the formal recovery process, and the issue cannot be verbalised.Unverbalised case: Freedom of movement and gender inequity, institutionalized inequityThe public sector often lacks diversity in key areas such as policymaking, female unemployment, and the persistence of unspoken agreements tied to traditional conventions or old customs, which often bind people39.When opportunities arise, local residents frequently express their views and share their thoughts with local offices. However, issues such as grants or taxes not being utilised for daily necessities like transportation, and the exclusion of women from decision-making roles in key departments like Disaster Prevention and Environmental Diversity Preservation, often go unnoticed. Women’s unemployment and their lack of representation in these decision-making processes remain invisible concerns.If individuals attempt to voice opposition to their enforced, unilateral roles in the region, they are often silenced under the guise of prioritising disaster prevention or addressing severe environmental issues during the recovery process.In the community sector, inequities can also be observed, particularly in the obsolescence of traditional festivals that sometimes exclude women or those from outside the region. Such issues have been discussed within the framework of ‘regional development’, which has frequently focused on attracting people or boosting tourism. Unfortunately, this approach often overlooks the broader goals of homeostasis and resilience. Inequities within communities, regardless of their size, contribute to their vulnerability and can lead to the decline of these cultural traditions.In the education sector, junior colleges in coastal areas have been left intentionally unreformed, perpetuating traditional but outdated customs that constrain people in disaster-prone regions. These institutions have become places of acceptance for those affected by poor education, poverty, or depopulation, effectively serving as destinations for individuals who have fallen behind in their lives. Recovery studies often operate with an inside-the-box mentality, where education is regarded as business as usual. However, such an approach only deepens inequity, leading to an outflow of talented teachers and students and contributing to the decline in academic performance across the Tohoku region.In recent years, many junior colleges have ceased recruiting or closed down due to declining student numbers and a general preference for universities. Given the decreasing birth rate, this trend is expected. However, improving the quality of education in disaster-affected areas remains an urgent priority. Attracting excellent faculty and staff is essential to ensure that students receive a quality education. For example, public junior colleges in Miyako and Morioka, Iwate Prefecture, attempted to request a conversion to four-year universities to improve education standards in the region. Unfortunately, their request was rejected by the university president and regional government, who argued that junior colleges are a suitable destination for disadvantaged students in disaster areas40. This stance further highlights the rigidity of the political system.Inequity and vulnerability are intrinsically linked to the decline in public transportation and the rise in female unemployment. These issues are rarely discussed openly, yet they contribute significantly to the loss of free movement and unfair decision-making processes. Table 1 highlights the number of abolished bus routes in Tohoku over the last five years, revealing a severe loss of transportation infrastructure. The number of discontinued routes has increased 3.14 times, indicating a growing limitation on daily life in the region. This deterioration of mobility infrastructure severely restricts residents’ freedom of movement.Table 1 Number of abolished bus routes in Tohoku (km), Tohoku Transport Bureau, The Directory of Transportation, 202351,52Full size tableThe mobility gap continues to widen, affecting people of all generations in the prefecture. A lack of transportation forces many to live near poverty, as it directly impacts their ability to access education and employment. For instance, students are often unable to attend school without access to public transport, relying instead on private vehicles. The erosion of movement security and the widening inequality in access to transportation has led to a migration of young people seeking better opportunities elsewhere. Creating sustainable communities requires investing in skills development and local employment opportunities. However, the current post-disaster mobility situation is undermining these efforts. The issues surrounding transportation have only become fully apparent since the routes were abolished, revealing deeper systemic problems. The shortage of workers in the region further underscores the lack of policy support. Addressing these challenges requires a multifaceted approach, but the absence of flexible operations and the rigidity of the current system, compounded by a lack of organisational diversity, prevent meaningful progress.Another example of rigidity is the lack of female representation in post-disaster reduction or management departments, which exacerbates community vulnerability41. The exclusion of women from these key areas of decision-making not only limits diverse perspectives but also weakens the overall effectiveness of disaster response and recovery efforts. Table 2 highlights the number of local governments with zero female employees.Table 2 Number of local governments with no women in the disaster prevention and crisis management departmentFull size tableThis trend is also evident in the significant outflow of young women from the Tohoku region42. Notably, the top three areas with the highest outflow of young women are in Tohoku. This migration is largely driven by long-standing discriminatory traditions and a lack of employment opportunities, which have persisted from the pre-disaster period and remain unresolved. Importantly, this trend is not a direct result of the disaster but rather a reflection of institutionalised inequity.In the context of Homeostasis, a similar trend can be observed in the sustainable development of renewable energy. Akita Prefecture, which suffers from severe depopulation and similar issues of public transportation and gender inequity as Iwate Prefecture, provides an illustrative case. The political decision-making process in Akita is complex, spanning issues from healthcare in shelters to the construction of renewable energy infrastructure. The Tohoku region leads Japan in wind power generation, boasting the highest output in 2020 with a total capacity of 1,206,000 kilowatts (kW), followed by the Kyushu region with 521,000 kW. Among the prefectures, Akita had the highest wind energy output, reaching 5,485,400 kW43, followed by Aomori, which produced 3,305,720 kW, largely due to the concentration of offshore wind farms44. By the end of 2020, there were 28 offshore wind farms in the Tohoku region, with a total maximum output of 586,000 kW. Wind power projects under development in Tohoku and Hokkaido further contributed to this trend, with projected outputs of 9,514,170 kW across 86,511.8 hectares and 5,209,090 kW across 82,498 hectares, respectively43,44,45.Figure 5 shows the wind power generation facilities at Akita Port, a visible sign of the region’s investment in renewable energy. Despite the construction of several renewable energy facilities in Akita, this development has not resulted in a significant expansion of employment opportunities. Low wages and a lack of skills training are the main factors limiting the local workforce’s ability to benefit from this sector. (Table 3)Fig. 5: Wind power generation facilities at the Akita Port, November 17, 2023.Photographed by the author.Full size imageTable 3 Number of outflows of young women to TokyoFull size tableThe decision-making process for environmental assessments and sustainable system development lacks transparency, and conventional business practices have continued to dominate43, leaving little room for innovation or equitable growth. Although this issue has been acknowledged, the prefectural government has not addressed it with sufficient scrutiny.The structural challenges—such as inequity in employment opportunities and the lack of a clear, inclusive approach to regional development—existed prior to the earthquake and have persisted in the post-disaster recovery period. A key contributor to this ongoing problem is the role of regional universities, which have not collaborated effectively with other entities in the area due to their low capacity for retaining human resources. The turnover rate for graduates in Iwate Prefecture, for example, is 40% within the first three years, significantly higher than the national average45.Figure 6 illustrates the renovation work at Akita Port. Approximately three years ago, Akita Prefecture undertook several projects aimed at accommodating luxury liners, such as the MSC Bellissima in 2023. Despite these efforts, the regional economy continued to decline, exacerbated by poor communication between local governments and residents. This has widened both economic disparities and gender inequalities. As the gap between desirable and undesirable living conditions grows, the cycle of inequality and vulnerability remains unbroken.Fig. 6: Renovations of Akita Port, November 17, 2023.Akita Prefecture undertook several projects aimed at accommodating luxury liners, such as the MSC Bellissima in 2023. The port has been renovated to enable luxury cruise ships to access to the city. Photographed by the author.Full size imageDiscussionThe research findings reveal that unverbalized issues are closely linked to institutionalised inequity or discrimination, primarily concerning rights and fairness. During the recovery process, development activities were prioritised. However, due to time constraints, these efforts often reinforce discriminatory regional systems based on outdated attributes. As long as these institutionalised systems persist, regional homeostasis cannot be achieved. Achieving homeostasis requires the removal of inequity, particularly in decision-making processes. The unverbalised issues have brought the region’s former social fabric and landscape into long-term focus. Both post-disaster and pre-disaster priorities in daily life suppressed these issues, ignoring the presence of institutionalised inequity. As a result, young people, disillusioned by this trend, are leaving the prefecture, exacerbating depopulation and vulnerability.Serious concerns, such as declining transportation and rising female unemployment, have worsened since the disaster. Furthermore, these issues threaten community sustainability in Akita and Iwate prefectures, with similar regional problems observed across the Tohoku area, as was the case before the disaster. Institutionalised discrimination continues to impede regional homeostasis. Establishing guidelines and metrics to assess levels of inequity and rights is essential, along with the need for an external oversight body.The seawall became a symbol of ‘reconstruction’ and community-oriented policy, as a result of shared, verbalised opinions. However, disaster experience itself is not essential for achieving homeostasis; the root of the issue lies in the institutionalised inequity seen in unverbalized issues.Figure 7 presents a model of regional homeostasis involving recovery and resilience. Recovery encompasses various aspects such as mitigation, risk reduction, preparedness, and emergency response. Resilience, on the other hand, involves improvements to social infrastructure, updated systems, and increased transparency and openness.Fig. 7: Model of Regional Homeostasis.Vertical axis: degrees of homeostasis. Affected variables: Unverbalised issues, Institutionalized inequity, Fairness, and Capacity-building. Each valuables would be scored. The model includes verbalized and unverbalized issues by scoring various factors. Recovery encompasses various aspects such as mitigation, risk reduction, preparedness, and emergency response. Resilience, on the other hand, involves improvements to social infrastructure, updated systems, and increased transparency and openness. Evaluating both verbalized and unverbalized issues in such model constructs the real landscape of the regional vulnerability, recovery and resilience.Full size imageUnverbalized issues, for instance, significantly impact regional homeostasis. Identifying and scoring these issues is a valuable approach to addressing and improving homeostasis in the region.It is becoming clear that while regional policies, including those from prefectural governments, focus on reconstruction, no meaningful reforms have been implemented. The persistence of long-standing issues can be attributed to this rigidity. Regional governments are reluctant to address their most significant vulnerabilities to disasters. In affected areas, there is a strong resistance to change, which is reflected in the decline of transportation and the discriminatory administrative systems46,47,48,49.Unverbalised daily life issues may come to light through these diverse structures during long-term recovery. The communication entities involved may include areas, individuals, groups, communities, businesses, ecosystems, relationships with non-human beings, and regional landscapes. Vulnerability and inequity, including health conditions50, often remain invisible and unverbalised. Uncovering these unverbalised inequities is a crucial driver of the regional policy homeostasis system. Future studies could benefit from exploring these aspects to reduce the risk of inequity. Recovery that both addresses damage and coexists with the original landscape is a balanced approach to achieving well-being. Therefore, policies require greater philosophical depth, which is currently in decline globally.These cases were limited to specific areas and decision-making policies, selected based on the students’ experiences, and are not representative of all disaster-affected regions. Each disaster, along with its context and recovery outcome, has unique characteristics. Therefore, addressing and challenging unresolved daily life issues can provide new approaches to decision-making. The author confirms that the study adheres to standard reporting guidelines. In addition, the study supplements its findings with interviews and fieldwork, focusing on verbalised and unverbalised life conditions and examining the relationship between policies and communities within structural contexts.
Data availability
All studies considered for the Discussion are reported in the Supplementary Tables 1, 2 and 3.
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