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White Americans in Areas of High Black Poverty More Likely to Blame Lack of Effort for Racial…

A striking paradox emerges in new research published this week in Social Psychological and Personality Science: White Americans living in counties with higher Black poverty rates are more likely to believe racial equality of opportunity exists, while simultaneously attributing racial economic disparities to lack of effort among Black Americans.

The comprehensive study, led by Dr. Nicolas Sommet of the University of Lausanne in Switzerland, analyzed data from over 17,000 participants across hundreds of U.S. counties, combining both observational and experimental methods to examine how exposure to racial inequality shapes people’s beliefs about its causes.

“Our findings highlight how the environment we live in shapes how we understand racial inequality,” explains Dr. Sommet. “We found that White Americans living in areas with higher Black poverty rates are paradoxically more likely to believe that racial equality of opportunity exists and to attribute Black poverty to a lack of effort.”

The researchers discovered that in U.S. counties where Black poverty is 10 percentage points higher than average, White residents are 13% more likely to attribute racial inequality to a lack of motivation among Black Americans. This pattern stands in stark contrast to how Black Americans in the same counties respond to high poverty rates in their communities – they are actually 11% less likely to believe racial equality of opportunity exists.

The study encompassed three distinct investigations. In the first, using Gallup’s Minority Rights and Relations Series, researchers examined how county-level Black poverty rates correlated with beliefs about racial equality of opportunity among different racial groups. The second study, utilizing General Social Survey data, focused on how White Americans in areas with higher Black poverty make attributions about racial inequality and their support for equity policies. The final component was an experiment where White Americans were randomly assigned to imagine visiting an area with high Black poverty.

The experimental findings revealed that White Americans exposed to scenarios of Black poverty experienced increased interracial anxiety and identity threat, which in turn led them to attribute racial inequality more to internal factors like lack of effort.

“Our research does not suggest intentional efforts; rather, it offers evidence of a self-protective mechanism,” Dr. Sommet notes. “When confronted with racial inequality, White Americans adopt the belief that Black Americans are responsible for their own economic plight as a way to ease discomfort about privilege or group responsibility.”

These attributions carry significant policy implications. The study shows that such beliefs predict reduced support for initiatives designed to address racial disparities, potentially creating a feedback loop that reinforces existing inequalities. When White Americans attribute poverty to individual choices rather than structural factors, they become less supportive of government assistance programs or affirmative action policies.

Interestingly, while exposure to Black poverty consistently led White Americans to emphasize individual explanations, its effect on their acceptance of structural explanations like discrimination was less consistent across the studies.

“Not all of our hypotheses were confirmed,” adds Dr. Sommet. “Their views on systemic factors were less consistent across studies. This highlights how some beliefs can become stronger without necessarily weakening other beliefs.”

The research builds on social identity theory, which suggests individuals are motivated to maintain a positive perception of their own group. In areas where evidence of racial inequality is most visible, this motivation may be particularly strong.

The study also found that Hispanic Americans exhibited responses similar to White Americans, which researchers suggest may reflect the fact that over 75% of Hispanic Americans in the General Social Survey data identify as White and have become more conservative over time.

Dr. Sommet suggests the findings may extend beyond Black-White relations: “Future research could examine whether similar psychological patterns emerge in other contexts—such as when majority group members encounter poverty among marginalized ethnic, religious, or cultural communities.”

With more than one-fifth of Black Americans living below the poverty line—twice the rate of White Americans—understanding these attribution patterns may be crucial for addressing persistent racial economic disparities in the United States.

The findings paint a complex picture of how geographic context influences racial attitudes and suggest that in areas where racial inequality is most pronounced, psychological defenses may make addressing these disparities particularly challenging.

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